I have the feeling that I will spend several days on this subject because Jobbik's election program entitled "Radical Change" is 88 pages long, covering all facets of life starting with the economy, continuing with the state of society, foreign policy, and trade, and ending with "nation, community, man." In this detailed program Jobbik even managed to find space for domestic animals and their well being.
The program, consisting of seven chapters, follows a tightly structured outline form. For instance, under the heading "Eco-social economy" (explanation will follow tomorrow) that is Chapter III there are several subchapters, all numbered neatly. And then there are sub-subchapters. For instance, III.1 "Strong Hungarian economy" has twenty sub-subchapters III.1.1 to III.1.20. Each of these sub-subchapters is further divided into two parts: "The last twenty years" which were of course awful and "The better future." Actually, in Hungarian "A szebb jövő," and we'd better stop here for a second.
The Hungarian Guard, the paramilitary arm of Jobbik, after its establishment adopted the greeting: "Szebb jövőt!" to which the answer was "Adjon Isten!," loosely translated as "With God's help!" It took a little time for journalists, surely with the help of historians, to figure out the source of this exchange of greetings. It turned out that it was copied from the "Levente Movement." After World War I Hungary was forbidden by the Allied and Associated Powers to maintain a conscript army, and the size of the professional army was also greatly limited. Thus came the idea of a movement that would stress "the physical fitness" of boys between the ages of 12 and 21. Actually, the aim was to give them some military training. The boys who were forced to serve in the Levente Mozgalom came from the lower strata of society. Boys in gymnasium were free of the obligation. As time went by, the paramilitary nature of the movement intensified until by the end of the 1930s it was completely under the supervision of the army.
The adoption of the official greeting of the by now illegal Hungarian Guard in Jobbik's election program clearly signals the importance of the Guard in the politics of Jobbik. After all, it was the establishment of the Hungarian Guard that propelled Jobbik to the forefront of Hungarian politics.
Let's return to the program itself. Chapter I is Krisztina Morvai's "Greetings." After all, Jobbik, unlike the other parties, already named its nominee for the position of president of the republic. László Sólyom's five-year tenure will come to an end sometime during the summer of 2010 and it will be the next parliament's duty or privilege to name a new president. László Sólyom wouldn't mind serving another term, but in my opinion he will not have that chance. However, I'm even more certain that Krisztina Morvai will not be considered. Nonetheless, she already talks as if she occupied the post that is described in the constitution as the symbol of national unity.
First she wants people to understand that this is more than a program of one party. It is "the roadmap of the long awaited national solidarity and hope." She urges people to study it, to discuss its contents with members of the family, friends, and colleagues. She asks the farmers to study carefully the chapters on agriculture and the countryside. She calls on entrepreneurs to look at Jobbik's ideas on replacing the neo-liberal economic model with a new stimulus plan that would prove that "the Hungarian state is not an enemy but a friend." Wage earners should learn from this program that "they don't have to be exploited and defenseless because there is another model" that promises a a secure future. She suggests that if a person doesn't have time to read the whole thing, at least he should read the chapter that is applicable to his own situation.
Morvai reaches out to those who until now voted for some other party. In her opinion even in that case it is worth reading this program because the citizen will thus be able to compare Jobbik's program to others and decide which one suits him best. She calls on those people who have been quiet, who are not interested in politics. Perhaps they didn't even vote in the last elections. In this case they should study the pages of the Jobbik program to discover that there is a decent party, a political force that will not govern against their interests.
Finally, Morvai turns to the intellectuals and opinion makers. "Perhaps you are a newspaperman, a political analyst, or someone active in public life who is open to new ideas." In this case, you should be sick and tired of politics as it was conducted in the last twenty years. And she magnanimously adds: "You may not agree with everything in this program, but surely we both think that this material could be the basis of a discourse on the future of the country."
Morvai then addresses the members and even the leaders of other parties and asks them not to be prejudiced because Hungary "is our common fatherland and this common fatherland is in big trouble." Finally, she recounts her quest for justice as a lawyer who swore to uphold the truth. She says that she is a Hungarian whose "wish is that her country shouldn't be at the mercy of the great powers, that it would regain its right of self-determination." She mentions that she is the mother of three daughters and appeals for the equality of women.
Her ending words: "With God's help, a better future for you, for your family, and the whole country. With faith, with hope, and with love."
All sweetness and light, and therefore it is pretty jarring when one reads in Gábor Vona's address that he believes that "this program will give strength to those who have trusted us in the past; it will convince those who until now were not willing to listen, and finally will force those to retreat who don't consider Hungary their fatherland, and don't consider the Hungarian nation their own." Whom could he have in mind?