Election program of the Hungarian far right (III)

Today I will look at some of Jobbik's proposals and their feasibility. Let's stick with the crucial field of economics.

In subchapter III.1.1 Jobbik proposes renationalizing "strategic" companies, meaning public works and "natural monopolies." (My question is how can that be done? The owners of these companies must be compensated. But from what? Where will the money come from? What kind of international complications will arise from such a move?) The next "promise" is more than puzzling: Jobbik will enact legisation that will allow for severe punishment for those "who cause damage to national property." In fact, such people might spend the rest of their lives in jail. (What can be considered "causing damage"? There is a suspicious resemblance here to the Chinese practice.) Jobbik will also spend a considerable amount of money to prop up "strategic" factories close to bankruptcy. It is not clear whether these companies will be state-owned or in private hands. (The question again: where will the money come from?) And finally, if it depended on Jobbik, the state itself would start enterprises "for the sake of optimal economic development." (Same old question about the source of funding.)

In subchapter III.1.2 Jobbik promises a huge tax cut. The hope is that within a relatively short time that move will result in larger revenues. Reduced payroll taxes will produce a greater number of employees and therefore larger revenues. (As we know life is not so simple. If there is no demand, there is no need for added employees.) They will severely punish tax evasion, I don't know how.

I already alluded to Jobbik's idea in subchapter III.1.3 of renegotiating foreign loans and defaulting on part of the national debt. However, in addition, Jobbik has other, rather vague ideas. They will achieve a balanced budget, except they neglect to tell us how they will be able to do this. They want to pass a law that would forbid borrowing money for operational expenses. But to enact any such law would mean changing the constitution, and it is unlikely that Jobbik would have the two-thirds majority necessary to do that. At least this idea, viewed broadly, seems to have some merit. In Poland there is a law that puts a cap on borrowing, something that Lajos Bokros, prime minister designate of MDF, is proposing.

In subchapter III.1.4 Jobbik outlines a more rational, streamlined central government. They want to change the paper-based bureaucracy to an electronic one. The program admits that Jobbik's plans include a decrease in personnel but they promise a better, more effective administration. There is nothing new in this. Ever since 2006 the central government's expenses have been greatly reduced and several thousands of employees were let go. They plan to save a lot of money by using OSS (Operational Support System) software. This would be unlikely to result in substantial savings in the operation of a sizeable administration.

I am skipping III.1.5 because I already covered it yesterday when I was talking about turning eastward as far as Hungary's trade relations are concerned.

Subchapter III.6, on the other hand, is of some interest because here the program outlines the possible sectors where Hungary could excel. With state support they will revive Hungarian agriculture and the food industry based on it. I might mention that at the moment Hungarian agriculture, in spite of favorable natural conditions, is not efficient because of the small farming plots. Jobbik insists on keeping it this way. So how could they revive the processing industry given this inefficient agricultural structure? How can this revived food industry compete with cheaper foreign products? Or perhaps Jobbik is trying to stop the flow of foreign goods into Hungary? Because otherwise money spent on the revival of the food industry would for the most part be wasted. In addition to food and agriculture, tourism is emphasized. Again, this is not new. All Hungarian governments consider tourism a critical part of the economy. Jobbik specifically talks about gastro- and wine-tourism. Unfortunately most Hungarian wines aren't world renowned, so it would be difficult to develop a substantial tourism business based on them. As for gastronomy I understand that there are very few hotels and restaurants up to the challenge of foreign competition.

Subchapter III.1.7 deals with the assistance that would be given to "domestic enterprises." The emphasis here is naturally on "domestic." In the case of small and medium-size businesses, tax would be fixed at 30% that might mean a further reduction in state revenues. The interest rate would be greatly lowered. I assume that would mean stripping the Hungarian National Bank of its independence. It is also clear from the information given here that the government would establish a network of "Hungarian banks serving national interests." If I understand it correctly, these banks would provide "the sources for economic development." Where they would get the money is again not clear to me.

Subchapter III.1.8 deals with "Banking Network Committed to Hungarian Interests." From this one learns that at present there is only one Hungarian state-owned bank, the Magyar Fejlesztési Bank (Hungarian Investment Bank). Jobbik would reorganize this bank and create a new one called Magyar Bank. This bank would have an entirely new management that would serve the interest of the economic development of Hungary, not the interests of small groups. It seems that there would be still more money to support credit unions and savings banks in the hands of "ordinary Hungarians" (magyar kisemberek). This financial state assistance would enable these institutions to cover the whole country again. (I assume Jobbik has the old Postabank in mind here.) Those people who took out loans in foreign currencies should not be deprived of their homes. Who would pay the banks remains Jobbik's secret. Jobbik would force the banks to suspend payment for six to twelve months on any loan taken out for longer than three years. (And how would they do that? Or which bank would be willing to conduct business in a country where such things are forced upon them by the government? But perhaps that's the idea, but then what will happen to the fianancial situation in the country?) As for loans in foreign currencies this new Magyar Bank should provide low interest loans for those in trouble. With these loans they could pay off their debt in foreign currency. (Money, money, money.)

Subchapter III.1.9. deals with job creation. According to Jobbik, unemployment in the countryside will be solved by the revival of the processing and food industry and the rebounding agriculture. Emphasis will be placed on organic food. In addition, because Jobbik will reorganize the police force and "national defense" there will be plenty of opportunities for jobs in this sector. I'm especially puzzled by the reorganization of "national defense," i.e. the army. Right now there is a small, professional army of 40,000 men and women. What does Jobbik have in mind? This choice of the words, "national defense," makes me suspicious that Jobbik is planning to reintroduce conscription. Well, that would put a damper on Jobbik's popularity among the youth! As it is, maintenance of the Hungarian army is an expensive affair and the money currently spent is greatly resented by the population. People simply don't think the "nation is in danger." And if all that is not enough, they will greatly expand the public works program already in existence. (More money.)

Subchapter III.1.10 deals with a nationwide home building program. As we know, in the last few years an incredible number of apartments and houses were built, but they are mostly privately owned and are not rental properties. Jobbik is planning to launch the construction of a large number of apartments that would be built on central and local government money. (Again, where is the money coming from?) The building of these dwellings will be entrusted to Hungarian-owned small and middle-sized companies. Hmmm! Foreigners would be discriminated against? What would the European Union think of this, or perhaps by that time Hungary wouldn't even be part of the Union?  "Hungarian families" would receive long-term, low interest loans with the help of state subsidies. (More money!)

Suchapter III.1.11 deals with the "strengthening of local economies." The local farmers will be able to sell their products straight to the consumers, bypassing the commercial chains. Well, I remember those days when practically the only place one could buy produce was at the local open markets held on Saturdays! Hard to imagine in the twenty-first century. More government money will also be given to those people who want to forge cooperative enterprises in order to sell their products more profitably. (More money!) The "social card," in the United States called food stamps, will be adopted nationwide. Again, this is not new. MDF also decided to support the plan originally proposed by the mayor of Monok.

Subchapter III.1.12 suggests starting a movement called "Chose the homegrown!" meaning Hungarian products. Those entrepreneurs who want to be part of this movement will be able to get a "vállalkozói magyarigazolvány" (a Hungarian business ID) that would enable them to put the adjective "Hungarian" in front of their businesses'names. The holders of the "social cards" should have an advantage in being able to use these outlets. If the Hungarian business ID turns out to be successful, Jobbik will introduce the same system in the neighboring countries. Hungarian entrepreneurs would be able to take advantage of the business ID's benefits. (I wonder what the Romanian and Slovak governments will think of the idea!)

Subchapter III.1.13 deals with corruption. All enterprises that received large state investments in the past must be investigated. All projects underway now should be suspended. Legal consequences in corruption cases should be made more severe. (This might be a good idea, but one needs to change the civic code and that is not an easy proposition.)

Subchapter III.1.14 takes a look at privatization. Again, all contracts between the Hungarian state and the new owners must be checked. If the authorities decide that the contract wasn't fair, "those responsible must be punished." (Can you imagine the abuse that would occur in such cases?) According to Jobbik, today state property/enterprise doesn't enjoy the same protection as private property. They will make sure that in the future state property will have equality with property in private hands. (I don't even know what they are talking about here.) Public works will be nationalized.

Subchapters III.1.15 and III.1.16 are about "Rethinking foreign companies' presence in Hungary." That sounds ominous, but it turns out to be a fairly meek attempt at "making Hungarian companies" more competitive and therefore "putting an end to the duality of the Hungarian economy." Jobbik admits that perhaps some foreign companies might depart because of the end of their privileged position but the program reassures the reader that "the places the multinational companies would vacate could be filled by Hungarian enterprises within months." Doesn't this "solution" resonate? I can think of at least two occasions in the twentieth century when such things happened.

I move on to subchapter III.1.18 that deals with taxation. Jobbik seems to believe in progressive taxation. In fact, it seems that while they want to lower taxes for those with lower income, the rich would pay much higher taxes than at present. Tax evasion will be severely punished. Jobbik would introduce family taxation, something Fidesz also proposes. Because they want to promote larger families they suggest no sales tax (VAT) on anything that is used by children from diapers to school supplies. (I wonder what will happen if an adult buys himself a pen or a pencil!)

And finally, here is III.1.20. "Monetary policy." That subchapter is short. With the drastic interest rate reduction the central budget's expenses can also be reduced. Lower interest rates will help to stimulate the economy, reduce inflation, and keep the trade balance favorable. (And one could ask what would happen then to the forint or foreign investment.)

As we can see Jobbik's economic ideas are unrealistic. No wonder that Lajos Bokros, even before the appearance of Jobbik's program, said that Jobbik's ideas would be the ruin of the country and that he wanted to have a television debate with Gábor Vona. Some people criticized Bokros, but he replied that Jobbik is a legally registered party, a party that received 15% of the votes at the EP elections, and therefore the people and especially the followers of Jobbik ought to know what the consequences of such an economic program would be. Needless to say, Vona has no intention of debating anyone. Especially not Lajos Bokros.

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Öcsi
Guest

Wow! What an election platform. Something from the Smallholders, Kádar, MIEP, Fidesz and some good old fashioned national socialism thrown in for good measure.

Thrasymachus
Guest

@Öcsi
“Wow! What an election platform. Something from the Smallholders, Kádar, MIEP, Fidesz and some good old fashioned national socialism thrown in for good measure.”
And so, how can you claim that Jobbik have a driving ideology? Other than their professed one of nationalism and choosing disparate policy choices for the national interest? Quite simply, you can’t.
Q.E.D.
And for all your dimissiveness, can you image Dr B making such a section by section examination of the Fidesz or (heaven forbid) the MSZP program? It won’t happen. You know it won’t. Because despite all the talk of the polls and 8-12%, it is Jobbik that is the real threat, and not to the Fidesz’ supermajority or the country’s future, but to the MSZP’s further existence.
How absolutely marvellous.

Hank
Guest
It is obvious that Jobbik doesn’t have a viable program. Who would have expected that? And it is just as obvious that the majority of those voting for Jobbik do not care, because they do not vote with their brain but with their guts. That said, it is interesting that Jobbik published this program at all. Why? With what strategy in mind? Fidesz refuses to publish a program already for years and they probably won’t do that at all (I bet their election program to be published in March will be no more than some slogans and things they wished would happen, like one million jobs in ten years). Their reasoning is as simple as it is undemocratic: why giving the other side ammunition to attack us if our support is as big as it is even without a program. Apparently Jobbik didn’t consider this argument valid for themselves. As to Mark’s remarks: in every crisis there are again those who declare the end of capitalism, but it won’t happen. The essence of market economy will survive and it will be global and it will be based on the core levels of liberalism. Adam Posen characterized this as “a commitment… Read more »
PassingStranger
Guest

This is a communist platform if anything: Rakosi’s nationalisation programme combined with Kadar’s borrowing to finance private consumption.
Bajnai is already supporting individual consumers by keeping the forint artificially strong.
Vona stand no chance against Bokros. Vona’s idea of economics is a “Turul Tesco”. The origin of this gaffe points to Vona’s lacking sense of humour: seemingly, he copied it from a satirical article in Barikad, a right wing website: http://barikad.hu/node/28586.
Apparantly, Kuruc.info, a smutty far right anti-semitic webpage, at the time denounced this satire as anti-Hungarian and anti-patriotic.

Öcsi
Guest

Thrasymachus wrote: “And for all your dimissiveness, can you image Dr B making such a section by section examination of the Fidesz or (heaven forbid) the MSZP program? It won’t happen. You know it won’t.”
There is no need for it since both those parties have been in government. But would you not agree that the new kid on the block, Jobbik, in this case, needs to be scrutinized more than the others? It’s just common sense.

Moki
Guest

The Jobbik program with its details and 88 pages is unexampled in Hungarian political life. Other parties have only short brochures in the third republic. Perhabs the other parties comtemned their voters….

Mark
Guest

Moki: “The Jobbik program with its details and 88 pages is unexampled in Hungarian political life.”
This is untrue. Since 1990 parties have produced generally two programmes – a short one, and a longer szakmai prográm. Not every party has done this, and not at every election but I have a very nice collection of these on my bookshelves. 88 pages is rather short for one of this, and normally they are more coherent intellectually.

Mark
Guest
Hank: “As to Mark’s remarks: in every crisis there are again those who declare the end of capitalism, but it won’t happen. The essence of market economy will survive and it will be global and it will be based on the core levels of liberalism. Adam Posen characterized this as “a commitment to protect citizens, not stakeholders. That means combining social protection for individuals with willingness to subject businesses to strong competetive pressure, and progressive taxation to pay for the safety net. This is a step away from the promotion of corporate interests that have deceptively donned the cloak of ‘free market’ policies in many advanced economies in recent years – and not coincidentally given liberalism a bad name.” (Op-ed, Eurointelligence, August 24, 2009)” I hope Adam Posen is right. But we used to have this in western Europe, and it was called social democracy – market economics, progressive taxation, and a comprehensive welfare net. But from the UK in 1979, to Austria and Sweden in the 1990s, this social democracy has been abandoned largely because of pressure from corporate elites. And in part it has been undermined by the way in which the global financial system has enabled companies… Read more »
Mark
Guest

I just wanted to add briefly to my comment that Hank seems to assume that the crisis of one kind of capitalism will lead to smooth transition to another benign form. History tells us this expectation is unrealistic. The crisis of the 1970s led to global upheaval, which eventually led to the collapse of the Soviet Union and state socialism in CEE. In 1929 it contributed greatly to the rise of fascism and the Second World War. While the crash of 1873 seems to have brought no such direct political crisis, it did bring about a prolonged depression in agriculture which led to c.25% of Europe’s population emigrating to the Americas and Australasia (largely from peripheral states including Hungary). We know this isn’t going to be resolved without huge upheaval.

whoever
Guest
Much as I am extremely reluctant to take them seriously, my comments regarding the viability of some of the main points of the Jobbik manifesto are as follows (based on Eva’s translation, having not had time to plough through it myself): renationalizing “strategic” companies, meaning public works and “natural monopolies.” Could be done, actually. The ownership of utilities could be made subject to restrictions which would make private ownership inviable. The private company would then have little option but to withdraw, leaving the state as the only buyer. Another way would be to insert a “sunset clause” effectively reducing the ownership to a franchise status: then rejecting the commercial options. “Jobbik promises a huge tax cut” I imagine that they intend to increase corporate and transaction taxes. “renegotiating foreign loans and defaulting on part of the national debt” The first part may be possible (though unlikely) given leeway from other countries; the second part would put the screws on parts of the economy prone to international pressure. “unemployment in the countryside will be solved by the revival of the processing and food industry and the rebounding agriculture. ” A plan for reviving food processing makes logical sense; the devil would… Read more »
John T
Guest

There is lots to comment on here, so I’ll break down my postings into smaller, relevant chunks.
To Thrasymachus – I would hope that the programmes of all parties are properly examined and debated and I’d be very pleased if that happened in this forum. After all, people are going to cast votes based on what is promised. And most parties have some good points – there are a few individual elements with the Jobbik programme that I could agree with (mainly steps associated with reducing the culture of dependency though the overall framework in which the proposals are made is poor). But the overall programme is very simplistic, naive and reliant on every single aspect & assumption falling into place.

John T
Guest

With regard to whoevers recent post, improving the food processing system and embracing organic farming and local markets is no bad thing. But, for the next few years, the organic market will be stagnant – a credit crunch is an easy way for people to ditch their principles on healthy eating and return to buying value, massed processed goods. So, i doubt the organic market will recover during the next government term – even if it does, the market has established players and the big supermarkets are looking at local sourcing. For instance, my Tesco in Horsham sells frozen Hungarian sweetcorn – but fresh sweetcorn comes from a local Sussex farm – it will never come from.
Hungary.
For processing, there will be some items, Hungary will continue to have a market – poultry, pickles, vegetables and processed meat such as Salami. But this market will not expand enough in the future – indeed there is less Hungarian stuff here – poultry is no longer sold and the former big brand of Globus hasn’t had products on our shelves for at least 20 years. So Jobbiks promises in this area are very hollow I think.

whoever
Guest

There’s no doubt that agriculture in Hungary could be made more efficient and effective. In the case of processed items, areas of previous strength, such as in conserves and wines, have been lost in the last 30 years.
Whether Jobbik have the nous and skill to actually rebuild the sector – this I highly doubt. In fact, I am not sure that anyone in Hungary possesses those skills, as it requires strategic thinking and collective organisation. Expertise would need to be drafted in from elsewhere, eg Canada, Australia, South America. I think it would involve large-scale re-organisation of farming, into either larger units or giant co-operatives.
There will always be markets for certain organic items, for example, honey or dried fruit. Even if these ingredients are only used as compounds in other manufactures, eg baby biscuits. For me, some of the objectives in this manifesto make sense. But there is no reason to believe that Jobbik would be capable of delivering.

John T
Guest

whoever – I totally agree. I forgot conserves and also wine, the quality of which is much better than people believe, but that is historically down to poor marketing of the goods by the producers. There is certainly a need for foreign involvement and investment – the key is to ensure that there is no exploitation on either side.

Peter Koroly
Guest

Hungarians who vote for Jobbik believe after the victory of this national-socialist party there will be no more danger that Israel will land troops in Budapest in order to occupy this country in the centre of Europe. After all a lot of Hungarians believe this to be a real danger.
Only more difficult times are awaiting Hungarians after the victory of Fidesz-Jobbik.
And then they will wake up and see that Fidesz-Jobbik will not deliver the goods promised and that society’ real problems will not be solved. Of course instead of bread and butter the right wing parties will rather offer national symbols and the good feeling to belong again to the holy St.Stephen’s crown.
As soon as they cease to be mad, they will become merely stupid.

whoever
Guest

I dunno Peter, some of them are maybe as rabid as you say. But anecdotal evidence indicates that many of them simply feel socially and economically excluded. Jobbik is basing its appeal to these people on the basis of left-wing economic ideas – not even old Stalinist ideas, but ideas drawn from labourism… ideas that – in the right hands, might even work. In doing this they hope to also frustrate a new left-wing from emerging in the long-term.

Right
Guest

The “Jewish danger” had historic roots in the eyes of Hungarian far-right. The leaders of communist regime of 1919 with red terror. Tearty of trianon. The majority of the leaders of communist party under Rákosi regime etc….

Peter Koroly
Guest

We heard this in our youth ad nauseam that the crisis and Versailles where the causes for the success and popularity of nazis. Although I do not exclude economic conditions I believe the older Hungarian generation did – as a rule – keep quiet under Kádár. I remember the shock I caused, when at the time I asked a Hungarian if he was Jewish.
@Right@ Of course Béla Kun and Rákosi were born as Jews. But Kádár who let hang more Hungarians than Kun and Rákosi together was born as catholic.
Do you believe it matters? Was it more pleasant to be hanged by the order of a baptised than to be hanged by the order of a circumcised?
Funny some Hungarian antisemites forget the Jewish origin of most of those Hungarians who received the Nobel prize.
While antisemitism was until 1945 a source of profit for some Hungarians (see Sándor Márai’s diary 1944) today it is only madness and it does only harm the national interest of Hungarians.

Right
Guest

I don’t speak about the ethnic origin of the leaders. I speak about the ethnic origin of their cabinets. The leaders are not interesting in post communist countries, because they were puppets.

Peter Koroly
Guest

@right@ to me this is pathological search for a scapegoat. Why would a healthy person in Hungary believe, that the borders of Hungary as fixed by the peace treaty of Trianon and signed by the foreign minister of the Horthyregime could be changed?
Why would somebody try to tell us about the terrible crimes of the shortlived communist regime – and blame the “Jews” for it – in 1919 and not mention the “white terror” of Horthy and the fact, that with the consent of Horthy and the collaboration of Hungarian administration, police and gendarmerie more than half a Million Hungarians were sent to Auschwitz-Birkenaus?

Right
Guest

Please learn the detailed history. What do you know about the deatils of the members of Károlyi and Kun Kabinet? Nothing.

Right
Guest
THE GREAT WAR: A submarine from the U-27 series. After the Assasination in Sarajevo the Hungarian prime minister, István Tisza and his cabinet (sole in Europe) tried to avoid the breaking out and escalating of a war in Europe, but his diplomatic attempts remained unsuccessful. Austria–Hungary drafted 9 million (fighting forces: 7,8 million) soldiers in World War I (4 million from the Kingdom of Hungary). In World War I Austria–Hungary was fighting on the side of Germany, Bulgaria and Turkey. The Central Powers conquered Serbia. Romania proclaimed war. The Central Powers conquered Southern Romania and the Romanian capital Bucharest. On November 1916 Emperor Franz Joseph died, the new monarch Charles IV sympathized with the pacifists. With great difficulty, the Central powers stopped and repelled the attacks of the Russian Empire. The Eastern front of the Allied (Entente) Powers completely collapsed. The Austro-Hungarian Empire then withdrew from all defeated countries. On the Italian front, the Austro-Hungarian army could not make more successful progress against Italy after January 1918. Despite great Eastern successes, Germany suffered complete defeat in the more determinant Western front. By 1918, the economic situation had deteriorated (strikes in factories were organized by leftist and pacifist movements), and uprisings… Read more »
Right
Guest
The first Republic of Hungary In 1918, as a political result of German defeat on the Western front in World War I, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy collapsed. French troops landed in Greece to rearm the defeated Romania, Serbia and the newly formed Czech state. Despite the general armistice agreement, the Balkanian French army organized new campaigns against Hungary with the help of Czech, Romanian, and Serbian governments. On October 31, 1918, the success of the Aster Revolution in Budapest brought the left liberal count Mihály Károlyi to power as Prime-Minister. Roving soldiers assassinated István Tisza.[50] Károlyi was a devotee of Entente from the beginning of the World War. By a notion of Woodrow Wilson’s pacifism, Károlyi ordered the full disarmament of Hungarian Army. Hungary remained without national defense in the darkest hour of its history. On 5 November 1918 Serbian Army with French involvement attacked Southern parts of the country, on 8 November Czech Army invaded Northern part of Hungary (present-day Slovakia), on 2 December Romanian Army started to attack the Eastern (Transylvanian) parts of Hungary. The First Republic was proclaimed on 16 November 1918 with Károlyi being named as president. The Károlyi government pronounced illegal all armed associations and proposals… Read more »
Right
Guest
The Hungarian Soviet Republic The multiethnic nature of Budapest in 1919: The Heroes Square of Budapest in red. The Communists wanted to destroy all Hungarian historical monuments, statues and national symbols. The Communist Party of Hungary, led by Béla Kun, came to power and proclaimed the Hungarian Soviet Republic. The Communists also promised equality and social justice. The Communists – “The Reds” – came to power largely thanks to being the only group with an organized fighting force, and they promised that Hungary would defend its territory without conscription. (possibly with the help of the Soviet Red Army). Hence: the Red Army of Hungary was a little voluntary army (53,000 men). Most soldiers of the Red Army were armed factory workers from Budapest. In terms of domestic policy, the Communist government nationalized industrial and commercial enterprises, socialized housing, transport, banking, medicine, cultural institutions, and all landholdings of more than 400,000 square metres. The support of the Communists proved to be short lived in Budapest. The Soviet Red Army was never able to aid the new Hungarian republic. Despite the great military successes against Czechoslovakian army, the communist leaders gave back all recaptured lands. That attitude demoralized the voluntary army. The… Read more »
Right
Guest

Don’t forget, Horthy was the only man who was supported by Democratic west. See the reports of American British French attaches. Again, the communism were depicted as anti-western “Asian ideology” Now the newspaper of the era are accessible on the homepages of the biggest European and American press. Nobody worried about the communists and red terror in the Western World.

Right
Guest

The jews were collected and transfered by Szálasi regime. Nobody elected him, he was Hitler’s puppet. About the Numbers. There weren’t so many Jews in Hungary that time. Have you ever been in The Central Statistical Office of Hungary? Do you believe in everything that you hear in mass media?

Right
Guest

About Horthy. The communist mass media and Rálosi tried to depict him as a fascist. But the British and American diplomacy rescued him. Rákosi regime tried to arraign him as a war criminal in Nürnberg trials. Morover personal Stalin stopped Rákosi to do this. It’s a less known fact,that more than half of the card-partners of regent Horthy were Jews. Moreover, after the ww2, Horthy’s Portugal exile was financed by Jewish families.

Right
Guest

According to maintream western Historians andpolitology scientists, the Horthy regime was not a dictature, but an authoratic conservative system. Under his 25 yeras regency, there were only 2 events wheb he used his veto-right in Hungarian parliament. Present-day Hungarian Presidets (göncz árpád Mádl ferenc and sólyom lászló refused more laws then Horthy did in 25 years.

Mark
Guest
It is interesting to see we have another neo-Nazi Holocaust revisionist hanging around here. Shall we put the historical record, straight, again …. “The jews were collected and transfered by Szálasi regime.” The c. 430,000 Jews from provincial Hungary were deported in spring 1944. During this period Horthy was head of state. Szálasi came to power only in October. Therefore the statement above is factually wrong, except in so far as Jews were also transferred by Szálasi as well. “About Horthy. The communist mass media and Rálosi tried to depict him as a fascist. But the British and American diplomacy rescued him. Rákosi regime tried to arraign him as a war criminal in Nürnberg trials. Morover personal Stalin stopped Rákosi to do this.” This is not true. Once Horthy had discharged his duties as a witness at Nuremberg, Stalin offered both Hungary and Yugoslavia the opportunity to try him for war crimes. Rákosi not only turned down this opportunity, but also interceded with Stalin to prevent his handover to Yugoslavia, which Tito did demand. This is a strange episode, but the view above is not supported by the historical record, which reveals that something much stranger was going on. “According… Read more »
Eva S. Balogh
Guest

Mark: “However, the Hungarian literature is much kinder on Horthy than is the western in my view. Horthy is condemned for institutionalised anti-Semitism, his alliance with right-wing paramilitaries in 1919-21, his toleration of radical right-wing politics in the 1930s, his alliance with Hitler, and his role in the Holocaust.”
Fully agree. As far as the numerous postings of “Right” are concerned, I don’t really have the patience to read them all. At the beginning of one of his posts he asked whether I knew anything about the period of the Hungarian Soviet Republic. Actually I know a lot about it. I wrote two or three articles on different aspects of the regime and several more on what happened immediately afterward the fall of the Hungarian Soviet Republic. I wouldn’t suggest any debate about Trianon either because I wrote my Ph.D. dissertation on the foreign policy of the new Hungarian regime just before signing of the Treaty of Trianon.
As far as Horthy’s role in 1919-1921 is concerned I even blame him for the formation of the Little Entente. His reckless games with his National Army frightened the neighbors into action.

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