The whole country is laughing at them. If the politicians of Jobbik and LMP thought it was a joke, by now half the country thinks so. But the ordinance is anything but an innocent joke because it says a lot about the mentality of Viktor Orbán and the politicians around him. Until now Orbán was only the unquestioned leader of Fidesz whose structure was such that every decision depended on him. Unlike in other parties where local party organizations decide on their own office holders, in Fidesz Orbán single-handedly decides who will be the local party chairman or who will run for parliament from that particular district. He decides which local chapters get dissolved because for one reason or other they don't behave as Orbán would want them to behave. Or because they don't speak with a single voice. Or just because he doesn't like the guys. Now that he is prime minister he is running the whole country this way. Until now there was no one who could stand up to him because of the extreme weakness of the opposition. However, today something happened that might put at least a temporary crimp in his very aggressive one-man rule. The constitutional court refused to oblige. It will not display the Manifesto of National Cooperation because the judges find such a display unconstitutional. It breaches, in their opinion, the separation of the branches of government.
So, although the supreme court and the prosecutor's office haven't decided yet, after the announcement of the constitutional court it is unlikely that they could agree to Orbán's request. That the office of the president "as long as László Sólyom is in office" will have nothing to do with the Manifesto is not terribly surprising. Nor is it surprising that Pál Schmitt, as speaker of the house, ordered the display in both the parliament building and the so-called White House where the offices of the deputies are located.
This afternoon in parliament LMP's András Schiffer demanded the withdrawal of the ordinance. Schiffer considers the ordinance unacceptable in a democratic country, but he also thinks that there might be constitutional problems. According to him "political declarations" have no place in public buildings. I very much doubt that the government will respond positively to this demand. They would lose too much face. But I suspect that in implementation the ordinance will die a quiet death.
Gellért mentioned in his comment that TASZ (Társaság a Szabadságjogokért/Society for Human Rights) presented a wonderful parody of the ordinance that was described by Népszabadság as a "fillip." TASZ offers a number of possible designs of the Proclamation, all resembling the posters of the Rákosi period. They are worth seeing. One can really appreciate them if one is just a bit familiar with the posters of those days or Mao Zedong's little red book.
The Economist called attention to Facebook, where users have been exposing the proclamation to merciless mockery. And topping it off there is a "serious" proposal for a bill by twelve socialist deputies, among them Ferenc Gyurcsány, Ildikó Lendvai, Attila Mesterházy, Iván Vitányi, Csaba Molnár, and Ágnes Vadai. The title of the bill is "About the love, loyalty and gratefulness toward the Person who is the Embodiment of the Regime of National Cooperation." The rest can be imagined. The mock proposal looks like any other proposal, including elaborate explanations of the concepts mentioned. For example, "The Person Embodying the National Cooperation (from here on NEMESZ) is Viktor Orbán." It suggests that the Manifesto be accompanied by the portrait and curriculum vitae of the prime minister and if the placement of these documents doesn't allow natural light they should be artificially lighted all times. The director of the organization is responsible for keeping the portrait clean and if necessary changing it periodically. (There are jokes about the picture of Franz Joseph and the flies in Jaroslav Hasek's The Good Soldier Svejk.) It also suggests declaring May 31, Orbán's birthday, a national holiday. And finally, the undersigned deputies give reasons for the enactment of this proposal by noting the indelible credit that Viktor Orbán deserves for the estabishment of the Regime of National Cooperation.
It is really hilarious, but I don't think that Viktor Orbán or his cohorts find it funny. Tibor Navracsics vehemently defended the Manifesto as a perfectly acceptable document that enunciates the kinds of values that all Hungarians can cherish. One thing is sure: the constitutional court's decision might strengthen the resolve of the various offices to refuse the government's "request."