Gábor Vona is trying to cast doubt on Viktor Orbán’s past

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Interior Minister Sándor Pintér have faced some hard times in the last couple of months. There is, for instance, the Jürgen Roth story about Dietmar Clodo’s testimony that Semion Mogilevich may have bribed both Pintér and Orbán in the 1990s. This story might have induced Pintér to prepare the ground for the possibility of foreign attacks on both him and the prime minister. He added, of course, that whatever foreign secret service agencies have on them are forgeries.

And now Gábor Vona, chairman of Jobbik, is challenging Viktor Orbán about his alleged past as an informer.

The topic came to the fore two years ago when Lajos Simicska, Orbán’s former friend and the financial brain behind Fidesz, talked about the prime minister’s alleged involvement in the state security apparatus in 1981-1982 when he spent a year between high school and university in the Hungarian Army.

Questions about Orbán’s past are not new. Already in 1991 János Kenedi, one of the top experts on the state security apparatus in Hungary, after examining the relevant documents, declared that Orbán, if anything, had been the victim of intelligence gathering and was innocent of any wrongdoing. That testimony, however, didn’t put an end to speculation. Here and there someone finds a piece of evidence that stirs up suspicion again. One such occasion was the discovery by László Varga, director of the Archives of the City of Budapest, that Viktor Orbán’s dossier, titled “Viktória,” whose existence was a known fact, “had disappeared.”

What has been disturbing all along is that Orbán refuses to say outright that he never, ever reported on anyone in his life. At the time of Simicska’s accusation in 2015, Hír24 asked him this question. Orbán’s answer was not a categorical denial. He said that “the facts speak for themselves. All information is available on the internet. I suggest that you study them.” Magyar Narancs, commenting on this statement, asked: “Why can’t the prime minister’s office or the press secretary or he himself put together a simple sentence: ‘Viktor Orbán was not an informer and never reported on anyone.’” A good question.

Now, two years later, Orbán still refuses to utter this simple sentence. At the moment, the release of informers’ names is again a matter of debate in the Hungarian parliament, and Gábor Vona used the occasion to inquire from Viktor Orbán about his possible involvement. “Mr. Prime Minister, I know that during your military service you were in contact with the secret service. I also know, Mr. Prime Minister, that there was a member of your family who during the 1956 revolution was working for ÁVH as an agent.” Orbán’s answer was almost identical to his earlier response to the same question. “All documents are available on the internet, study them.” That was not enough for Vona, who then asked: “Do you have the courage to declare that ‘I have never been an agent and I didn’t report on anyone either in writing or verbally?’ Do you dare to declare it?” Again, Orbán refused to affirm it in the first person singular. Instead, he said that “naturally I was on the other side, just as all of us here. We were on the other side; we were the ones who were persecuted; it was in our apartments that they planted listening devices; we didn’t cooperate with any kind of service.”

Gábor Vona questioning Viktor Orbán

Not only did Orbán refuse to answer these simple questions but he wasn’t really truthful about the ideological commitment of the leaders of Fidesz in the 1980s. In 1985 László Kövér imagined himself and his friends in Fidesz as the future leaders of the existing regime, that is, the socialist people’s republic under Kádár or perhaps, given Kádár’s age, some younger, more dynamic leader. The “college” where these boys and girls from the countryside received extra educational opportunities was created to be “a school for political leadership.”

As for all those Fidesz members sitting in the parliament, who according to Orbán “were on the other side,” that is also an exaggeration. Several important Fidesz politicians were actually members of MSZMP, the party established by János Kádár and others during the days of the October 56 revolution. Just to mention a few: János Martonyi, György Matolcsy, István Stumpf, Sándor Pintér, András Tállai, Béla Turi-Kovács, and Péter Harrach.

The younger members of Fidesz would obviously like to bury the sins of their elders. Only recently, in connection with the demand for the list of informers, János Lázár declared that they were only victims and therefore their identities should be shielded. The real culprits, he claimed, are the former members of MSZMP who “denied the freedom and self-determination of the Hungarian people.” They are the ones who are traitors and who should never have any role in political life. One would like to remind Lázár that in 1989 there were 800,000 party members in Hungary. Moreover, if Fidesz professes to have such a pristine past, it should get rid of those politicians on their side of the aisle who were not exactly on the “other side.”

Viktor Orbán answering Gábor Vona

After the Vona-Orbán encounter, speculation abounded that Vona might have received damaging information about Orbán from Lajos Simicska, especially since Simicska’s son Ádám just recently optimistically announced that Jobbik will win the 2018 election with a two-thirds majority. (At the moment Ádám Simicska’s prediction has a zero percent chance of materializing.) Vona in an interview on ATV denied that he has any new information, but he added that if he learns anything he will not hesitate to make it public.

According to people close to Simicska, he makes no secret of his plan to release “seriously compromising documents” on Orbán close to the election. He talks quite freely about the circumstances surrounding his break with Orbán and keeps repeating that “it is his obligation to do everything in his power to facilitate the overthrow of the prime minister.” According to Fidesz politicians, Orbán as well as the leading members of the party consider Simicska a serious antagonist who “has money to spend and nothing to lose.”

March 21, 2017
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petofi
Guest

re: ‘damaging statements…”?

More likely, the Russians want to get a rise out of Viktor by showing some signs of support for Vona..

Guest

“GÁBOR VONA IS TRYING TO CAST DOUBT ON VIKTOR ORBÁN’S PAST”

He might as well try to cast doubt on the immaculate conception.

petofi
Guest

The Russian ‘infiltration’ of the American political process is baring strange fruit: the Republican Party has now taken on the vociferous opposition of Soros, just as Russia and Hungary have done so. Putrid sickness.

webber
Guest

Yep. It’s the result of the Moscow news feed to the Republican faithful thanks to Breitbart, whose editor is now sitting on the NSC.

Ferenc
Guest

OT
US President Donald Trump’s one-time campaign chairman secretly worked for a Russian billionaire to assist President Vladimir Putin, the Associated Press (AP) news agency reports.
Manafort proposed to influence politics, business dealings and news coverage in the US, Europe and the ex-Soviet republics to advance the interests of the Putin government. Manafort signed a $10m-a-year contract beginning in 2006….
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-39350007

pappp
Guest
Jobbik can easily get 2/3s if its support overtakes that of Fidesz. It’s not out of the question. It’s quite possible at least as we stand today. In 2014, Fidesz had 40% of the votes cast and Jobbik 20%. I would say that whatever the polls suggest probably since such time Fidesz has lost voters and Jobbik has gained. Basically if a 10% point portion of the Fidesz voters (that is 1/4 of Fidesz voters) moves over to Jobbik (especially if Jobbik also gains from the pool of undecided voters which currently amount to at least 30-40% of all voters) Jobbik can easily overtake Fidesz in the party list votes. (It’s naive to think that the Fidesz voters of 2014 who leave Fidesz in 2018 would vote for left-wing parties containing Gyurcsany or Hiller or whoever.) This would also mean that Jobbik would win most of the local districts too – assuming that the left-wing remains divided (but even if MSZP and DK join such a left-wing coalition would be weaker than 30%). Since Trump there’s no such thing as “zero percent chance”. If Simicska or Vona can provide clear and convincing evidence about Orban having been a snitch I… Read more »
Member

I don’t buy it. Have a look here: http://kozvelemenykutatok.hu/
Jobbik’s support currently ranges between 9-13%. Has it ever been over, say, 25%? I’m not completely sure, but I don’t think so. I’m quite certain it has never been as high as 30%. So there seems to be a definite ceiling on support for the party, and it’s not high enough to win a majority on its own.

Incidentally, when was the last time you saw Jobbik’s magazine “Barikád” in stores? I was just thinking that I haven’t seen it for a long time, so I did a search and found this: https://jobbik.hu/hireink/bajban-barkad-segelykeres Uh oh. I guess you can figure out that it failed. barikad.hu now redirects to something else that is apparently online only.

Jobbik can’t even keep a magazine financially afloat, how are they going to capture 2/3 of seats in Parliament?

Rivarol
Guest

Antisemitic.

Rivarol
Guest

I am disgusted thst you dare forget about your earlier warnings about Vona, an antisemitic unhuman being. Rot in hell.

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