Tag Archives: Cserdi

People on the margins of Hungarian society: Szentegát and Szigetvár

A few days ago György Balavány published a fairly lengthy report in 24.hu about some poverty-stricken spots in and around Szigetvár in Baranya County. This is the region where Cserdi is located, the village made famous by the enterprising Mayor László Bogdán, whose effective but controversial methods considerably improved the quality of life of the village. According to Balavány, four of the ten poorest villages in Hungary can be found in this region, yet one hears relatively little about the hopelessness of the situation of the people who live there.

First a few words about György Balavány, who for many years prior to 2010 worked for Magyar Nemzet. Balavány, who describes himself as a conservative man with strong ties to the Hungarian Reformed Church, identified with the steadfast anti-government bias of the paper before 2010. But shortly after Fidesz won the election in 2010, when Lajos Simicska’s paper came to be in the service of Fidesz, Balavány left Magyar Nemzet. If I recall properly, he couldn’t imagine being part of a staff that from here on would have to sing the praises of a government. Any government. In the last eight years Balavány has become one of the severest critics of the Orbán regime.

Balavány and a camerman visited a village just south of Szigetvár called Szentegát and a section of Szigetvár named after Ferenc Móra, a twentieth-century Hungarian writer. What Ferenc Móra has to do with Szigetvár I have no idea, because as far as I know he spent practically his whole life in Szeged.

Let’s first take a look at Szentegát, a cul-de-sac village. There is a road to the village from Szigetvár, but from there one cannot travel any further. Once upon a time it was a retreat for the rich and famous. It was there that members of the Baron Biedermann family built their mansion, surrounded by forest, which today is a 235-hectare nature preserve.

It is in these idyllic surroundings that one can find 371 people who live in miserable circumstances. One of the more entrepreneurial women started a small general store and a “presszó,” a coffee shop, but the people of the village couldn’t maintain it. Nowadays, a mobile store makes occasional appearances. No doctor from Szigetvár visits the place. The sick can take a bus to town, 10 km away.

The former general store, pub, and “presszó” in Szentegát

From the conversations one can sense the hopelessness of the place. Those residents with whom Balavány talked don’t see a way out of their situation. Most of the people earn their miserable wages as public workers. They are bused to Szigetvár, where they clean streets.

One man, after 11 years, started his own business. He and his “employees” hire themselves out as earthworkers (kubikosok), but during the winter when the ground is frozen they cannot work. He admitted by the end of the conversation that “if you want to know, I am dissatisfied with this whole country. I left for England for a while, but it didn’t work out.”

And yet, he and his wife and mother-in-law will vote for Fidesz. As the wife put it, they will follow Orbán “because we don’t want migrants even if Soros wants to send them here. They would get apartments while we live in this hovel. We have enough trouble; we don’t want to support others. Especially not terrorists.” Her husband refuses to believe that the “migrants” are refugees. He added: “You must understand that it is about our lives, about our children. There shouldn’t be any mixing here. There are Gypsies, Hungarians, all kinds. We don’t need blacks and Arabs. And what incredible filth they left behind. In Germany God knows how many women they raped. Our girls will be going to school in Pécs. You must understand that I fear for them.”

Among the people who live in the part of Szigetvár that strikes me as a Roma ghetto, the level of dissatisfaction is even higher than in Szentegát and so is the desire to get out of this situation. Perhaps the most moving conversation was with a relatively young woman with a cancer-ridden husband and an eleven-year-old child. The husband receives 24,500 forints from the city and she takes home 64,000. “I don’t know how to escape from here, but I don’t want my child to sweep the streets of Szigetvár in a yellow vest.”

An older woman offered to speak on behalf of her neighbor: “My neighbor receives 22,000 Ft a month. I would like to see Viktor Orbán buying food, paying for electricity and water on that money. I wouldn’t mind telling him what I think of him straight into his face.” But she is not planning to vote because the representative for whom she voted last time pays absolutely no attention to them, refusing even to meet with them.

The parting words came from a man who didn’t mind if his name appeared in the newspaper. He sent the message to Viktor Orbán that “we have had enough of promises.”

An apartment house in the Ferenc Móra project in Szigetvár

From the report we don’t learn much about these people’s backgrounds, but we can safely assume that their educational attainment is extremely low. Among them, the anti-migrant and anti-Soros propaganda has obviously been extremely effective.

The openly anti-government sentiment in the Ferenc Móra project, or, as the Brits call it, “estate,” surprised me. But it was discouraging to hear that people who are most aware of the government’s total lack of interest in their fate will probably not bother to vote because “all politicians steal and cheat.”

György Balavány in an earlier article reported that even in “the poverty-stricken villages near Szigetvár” Fidesz will win more than 50% of the vote. According to recent polls, in Baranya’s electoral district 4, where these villages are situated, a Fidesz candidate would get 58% of the votes, Jobbik 15%, MSZP 10%, LMP 7%, DK 7%, and Együtt, Momentum, and Two-Tailed Dog 1% each.

But I don’t want to spread doom and gloom here, so I will end by quoting Gábor Török, a political scientist, who still believes that if Fidesz loses 20 districts out of 106 the party will not have a two-thirds majority and if Orbán loses 40 districts Fidesz will not have an absolute majority. Moreover, neither alternative is outside the realm of possibility, says Török. I hope he is right because four more years of the thinly veiled dictatorship of Viktor Orbán would be devastating for the country and its people.

January 3, 2018

Hungarian Roma dilemmas

I decided to return to yesterday’s discussion on the latest developments in the “Bogdán case” because I think it is a much more complex issue than meets the eye or my short summary of the recent events would suggest. Yesterday I didn’t go into the serious differences of opinion between László Bogdán and some Roma human rights activists over the right way to handle the “Roma problem.” In order to understand the situation in which Bogdán finds himself, it is necessary to hear the criticism they level against the mayor of Cserdi. And then there is Bogdán’s offer of Cserdi as a place where refugee families are welcome which, according to some interpreters, might be the reason for the Hungarian media’s suddenly discovering Bogdán’s run-in with the law in 2010.

Let’s start with the latter because it is easier to sort out. First, some background. Bogdán spent three weeks in the United States in March and April, where among other things he gave a talk about the situation of Roma women at the UN Commission on the Status of Women. How did this trip come about? First, in 2015 the Hungarian government made Bogdán Hungary’s ambassador charged with nurturing talented youngsters. Therefore we must assume that the Orbán government considers László Bogdán someone who can represent the country abroad. And indeed, it was Réka Szemerkényi, former Hungarian ambassador to Washington, and Ferenc Kumin, consul-general in New York, who organized his trip. As Bogdán explained to BaMa, a Baranya County news site, they arranged his program, which included trips to 17 American cities. Of course, the highlight of the trip was his speech at the UN where “as a representative of Hungary [he talked] about the Gypsy community in Hungary and his Cserdi initiative.” He reported from the United States to BaMa that he celebrated March 15 with George Pataki, former governor of New York, and was the guest of former U.S. ambassador Colleen Bell at a charity event.

George Lázár suggests in an article in The Hungarian Free Press that László Bogdán’s recent problems stem from his decision to sponsor a Syrian family’s stay in Cserdi. Lázár points out that Bogdán was the “darling” of the government, whose trip to the United States was organized by high officials of the Orbán government. But, he continues, “Everything changed when recently Mayor Bogdán announced that he would welcome refugee families to vacation in his village.” Suddenly, the media suspected that there was something not quite right with László Bogdán. George Lázár, this morning on Facebook, noted that it is hard to imagine that the Hungarian government was unaware of Bogdán’s conviction in 2014, and it cannot be a coincidence that PécsMa discovered this story just now. Did the Hungarian government know about Bogdán’s troubles with the law when, for example, in 2015 he was appointed “ambassador”? I don’t know. But the conviction became final in 2014, just a year before his appointment to the post. Whether the Hungarian government is behind this story surfacing now is hard to tell.

The other aspect of the controversy surrounding László Bogdán is his standing in the Roma community. Roma human rights activists—and independent experts on Roma issues—have serious objections to Bogdán’s ideas. Shortly after his return from the United States, an article appeared in 168 Óra written by András Balázs, an assistant professor of sociology, criticizing the speech Bogdán delivered at the United Nations. His talk at the UN was about the exploitation of Gypsy women by Gypsy men, who look upon them as baby machines. Early marriages and too many children, and thus by the age of 30 they are grandmothers and at the age of 40 they consider themselves to be old. Balázs asserted that Bogdán’s focus on violent Roma men is “internalized racism,” which only strengthens the prejudice of the majority population. Moreover, when the people of Cserdi gave away produce to needy people, he came up with the slogan “We didn’t steal them from you; we grew them for you.” His paternalistic leadership is not conducive to the development of local initiatives. Balázs also blames the media, whose darling “the ambitious mayor” became, while the true Roma human rights activists’ voices can barely be heard.

And that leads us to the fateful meeting between the leadership of the Roma Parliament and László Bogdán on September 25, where the first alleged assault on the mayor took place. The video is available on YouTube, included here. At the meeting there was a clash between two entirely different views. The chief aim of the human rights activists is to reduce the majority community’s prejudice. László Bogdán, by contrast, maintains that the prejudice against the Roma is not entirely unwarranted and that in order to minimize or eliminate prejudice the Gypsy community must change. They must become hard-working and responsible members of society. His opponents consider some of his ideas outright racist. During the two-hour meeting Bogdán received a lot of criticism from Roma leaders who don’t share his vision. Aladár Horváth, who is the president of the Roma Parliament, opened the meeting by comparing the Cserdi model to Jobbik’s Érpatak model, where a bizarre character, Mihály Zoltán Orosz, runs the show “with an iron fist.” As I wrote in a post about Érpatak, “law and order dominate” the village. After this less than complimentary introduction, Bogdán delivered a speech in which he praised the Cserdi model which, one must admit, works very well. In the question and answer period there were some sticky questions about his conviction, and several people compared Bogdán’s ideas on Roma issues to those of Jobbik. There were people who called him a Nazi. At the end, Jenő Zsigó, an important Roma human rights activist, rose and delivered a powerful speech.

Jenő Zsigó at the Roma Parliament meeting, September 25, 2017

Jenő Zsigó, unlike Bogdán, has a stellar background. He comes from a family of musicians, a group that was always considered to be the aristocracy of the Gypsy community. He received two diplomas from ELTE, one in education and the other in sociology. Both of his theses were related to questions about the Roma community. He has been especially active in propagating Roma art and folk music.

In his speech Zsigó compared Bogdán to Gábor Vona, the leader of Jobbik. He accused him of developing a “system of dependency,” a kind of “feudalistic system” where in Cserdi everything depends on him. When Bogdán says that “there is no need for human rights advocates,” he denies the rule of law. When Bogdán says that there is no need to break up the Gypsy ghettos, he is promoting segregation. The speech was an indictment of the things that the human rights advocates find reprehensible in Bogdán’s model.

Unfortunately, Bogdán had to leave, and therefore we don’t know what kinds of arguments he would have used in the face of Zsigó’s criticism. But he promised that, if invited, he would gladly return. I suspect that if Bogdán had had the opportunity, he would have said: “And how much have you managed to achieve with your human rights advocacy? Is there less prejudice today than 30 years ago? I at least can show a village that is thriving.” As a friend remarked to me: “Zsigó is an excellent civil rights and minority leader, who is very convincing. In turn, Bogdán is also an excellent man with real results. The question is which is better in improving the life of the Gypsy community. Both positions have their weaknesses. Zsigó’s fight for equality and tolerance meets head on with the majority’s pejorative opinion, while Bogdán’s talking about ‘good Gypsies’ (people of Cserdi) and ‘bad Gypsies’ (the overwhelming majority) only adds to the prevailing racism in Hungary.”

November 6, 2017

The famous Gypsy politician’s reputation has been tarnished

Regular readers of Hungarian Spectrum are well acquainted with the name of László Bogdán, “the miracle worker of Cserdi.” I have mentioned him innumerable times, and at least twice I devoted full posts to him. Bogdán is the Roma mayor of Cserdi, a small village in Baranya County where the majority of the inhabitants are Gypsy. He is an impressive man who, although he had little schooling, is exceedingly articulate with a large vocabulary and surprising eloquence. His story is anything but typical. He started off sweeping the floors of a multinational company in Pécs, but his superiors discovered him and kept promoting him until he was heading one of the departments of the factory. In my first post on Bogdán I wrote: “Why he left his cushy job I have no idea, but he decided to run for parliament. When he lost, he settled for being the mayor of Cserdi, his birthplace.” In the last few days we have learned that Bogdán’s sudden departure from Elcoteq was not exactly voluntary.

Bogdán was already a media star in Hungary and had many admirers abroad as early as 2014, when I first wrote about him. His fame since then has only grown. I devoted another post to him, saying that he is “still the Roma miracle worker of Cserdi.” He is in the news constantly. After the inhabitants of Őcsény rebelled at the idea of having a Syrian family spend a few days in their village, Bogdán offered Cserdi as a place where the residents would welcome them. Again, the Hungarian media was full of praise for the enlightened and generous Gypsy leader who is ready to stand by another despised minority. It was in the midst of this new media tsunami that something happened that may have tarnished the sterling reputation of the mayor of Cserdi for good.

MTI / Photo: Zoltán Balogh

Judit Péterfi, who has a program on HírTV called “Privátszféra” (Private Sphere), was filming a 40-minute program about the everyday life of László Bogdán. As part of the program, the staff of HírTV accompanied him to a forum where he was to give a lecture. The forum was organized by the Roma Parliament, a group that doesn’t approve of Bogdán’s views on the issues confronting the Roma minority. Judit Péterfi made a notation on Privátszféra’s Facebook page to the effect that Bogdán, accompanied by the camera crew, arrived all smiles but soon “felt uneasy” as the debate heated up and that “at the time of his departure he was kicked and spat on by someone or someones from behind.” The claim was that Bogdán’s pro-refugee position prompted the assault.

Judit Péterfi, as it turned out, heard about the incident from Bogdán himself because the reporter and her crew had left before the end of the meeting. Those 20-22 people who were present reported to Index, the news site that became interested in the story, that the gathering was peaceful; they did have some arguments, but the atmosphere was in no way strained. Aladár Horváth, president of Roma Parliament, reported that he and a couple of others accompanied Bogdán to the taxi that waited for him because he was on his way to give an interview for Olga Kálmán’s program “Egyenesen” (Straight). During the interview Bogdán didn’t say anything about an assault.

A few days later the rumor circulated that, in addition to the incident in Budapest, someone wanted to run Bogdán down by car in Pécs. After the alleged incidents Bogdán disappeared for almost a whole month. Both Index and Szabad Pécs tried to get in touch with him, to no avail. Eventually, on October 25, exactly a month after the meeting, RomNet, a Roma news site, tracked him down. The explanation for his silence was a bit of a stretch. Why would these incidents be a trigger for Jobbik or other anti-Roma groups to raise anti-Gypsy feelings in the country? However, he didn’t change his story about the assaults, both in Budapest and in Pécs. Moreover, a day later, he accused Aladár Horváth of “mild racist thoughts” based on an angry Facebook entry by the president of the Roma Parliament in which he said that Bogdán was “still a Romanian slave in his soul.” (On Gypsy slavery in Romania, see this blog post.)

The next day Pécs Ma (Pécs Today), a right-wing internet site, reported that Bogdán hadn’t left Elcoteq of his own volition. In 2010 the firm accused him of embezzlement. The charge was that he, together with an accomplice, had moved cell phones and other electronic parts off the premises. In 2014 he received a suspended jail sentence of two years and had to pay a fine of 200,000 forints.

All of this has shaken the trust of those who have admired and promoted László Bogdán. I assume that the story was especially painful for the staff of HírTV, specifically for Judit Péterfi and Olga Kálmán. At last, on November 2, after a long hiatus, Bogdán appeared as the guest of Olga Kálmán at his own request. During the interview he admitted that he had been sentenced for embezzlement but claimed to be innocent of the charges. A subcontractor of Elcoteq stole the goods and stored them in a warehouse that he rented from Bogdán. Bogdán had no idea that the goods stored there had been stolen. Otherwise, he repeated the charge that his fellow Gypsy leaders were in some way responsible for the physical attacks on him. But, he added, he doesn’t know who the culprit was. The interview can be seen here.

November 5, 2017

László Bogdán is still the Roma miracle worker of Cserdi

It was just a little over four years ago that I wrote a post on László Bogdán, “the Roma miracle worker of Cserdi,” a small village in Baranya County where about 75% of the inhabitants are Roma. Bogdán is a man of exceptional intelligence, although he has only an eighth-grade education. As a result of his talents and hard work he became the head of a department in a multinational company in Pécs, which was shuttered shortly after Bogdán left the firm. At this point he moved back to the village of his ancestors to become its mayor. Since then, Cserdi has become a showcase of what a small, mostly Gypsy village can achieve with proper leadership. Cserdi by now owns fair sized forests, which the residents themselves established; they have several greenhouses; and they sell their products in Pécs and elsewhere. They even had extra to give away to poor people in Budapest. Cserdi was riddled with petty crime before Bogdán became mayor. On average 200 cases a year. Today, Cserdi is practically crime-free. Unemployment used to be extraordinarily high, but nowadays anyone who wants to work can.

Not surprisingly, opposition politicians have been intrigued by Bogdán and Cserdi. In November 2013 Ferenc Gyurcsány, chairman of the Demokratikus Koalíció, went to see Bogdán and, if I recall properly, was ambivalent about Bogdán’s draconian methods of achieving discipline among the Gypsy workers. Bogdán behaves the way an old-fashioned, harsh father would within his own family. He has no compunctions about intruding into the private lives of the Cserdi folks. For example, when some families complained about insufficient wages, he collected their garbage cans to show all the beer cans and empty boxes of cigarettes for everyone to see.

Although some human rights activists have criticized Bogdán, people are still intrigued by his success. A few days ago László Botka, MSZP candidate for the premiership, accompanied by István Ujhelyi, paid a visit to Cserdi. Botka urged Bogdán “to work together for a fairer Hungary which we can all call home.” But Bogdán is a fiercely independent man. As he said in an interview in 2015, he doesn’t want to be “the harlot” of any party.

Bogdán has a very low opinion of the network of Roma self-governments that was set up after 1990. He calls the leaders practically illiterate crooks who pocket billions of euros given for Roma projects. If it depended on him, he would scrap the whole program. He considers Flórián Farkas, Orbán’s favorite Gypsy politician, the greatest enemy of the Hungarian Roma because not only has he embezzled millions but he exhibits all of the traits non-Gypsies associate with Roma culture.

Otherwise, many ideas of the Orbán regime appeal to him. First and foremost, the idea of a “work-based society.” In his opinion, his fellow Gypsies have gotten accustomed to sitting at home and receiving their monthly assistance. Gypsies have to relearn to work. He was apparently horrified listening to a speech by a liberal politician who advocated the notion of basic income. He got so upset that his “legs were shaking,” he was “all nerves.” He approves of the public works program, but not the way it works now. Communities spend the money they receive picking up cigarette butts from the streets instead of directing it to “productive work” and “commercial activities.”

Bogdán is extraordinarily articulate and has plenty of opportunity to express his ideas. Therefore it is relatively easy to piece together his ideas about the ideal way of solving the “Gypsy problem.” Since most Gypsies live in small villages, far away from larger towns and cities which they have difficulty reaching, work must be created locally. And given that these villages are in rural areas, their business activities should be centered on agriculture. The money the communities receive from the central budget should be used to pay decent wages for productive work on public properties, which should be repurposed as agricultural land. This is how he started his Cserdi project. Without any machinery the local Gypsies created a large tract of agricultural land where they planted potatoes. And today, he continues, they are in the process of establishing a small factory that would use their produce to manufacture their own brand of canned goods. He envisages the Cserdi company as one day becoming a large concern that would buy up produce from nearby villages and supply large supermarkets with their “Lasipe” product. Lasipe means “goodness” in Lovari, a Gypsy language spoken in Hungary, Austria, and Slovakia.

This all sounds wonderful, but for that, each Gypsy community would need a sizable amount of initial and continuing capital and, what is even more important, one would need hundreds and hundreds of László Bogdáns. Unfortunately, even if Bogdán were ready to work with the Orbán government, which I highly doubt, Viktor Orbán has no intention of investing much money into a large-scale restructuring of the Roma communities. He is only interested in Gypsy votes, which apparently are guaranteed by Flórián Farkas and his friends, who are running the show at the moment.

I should add that Bogdán’s local fame spread over the years, and he became well known outside of Hungary. He is very enterprising and has received a great deal of assistance from abroad. For example, he made contacts with German companies, which helped with certain projects in Cserdi. As a result, he has traveled extensively abroad. His latest trip was to the United States, apparently arranged by former Hungarian Ambassador Réka Szemerkényi and Consul-General of New York Ferenc Kumin. The highlight of his three-week visit was the speech he delivered to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, “a body dedicated to the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of women.” The topic of his speech was the serious problem of early marriage among the Roma, with girls becoming pregnant at the age of 12 and by the age of 30 being grandmothers. By 40 they are considered to be old women. He blamed Gypsy men for this state of affairs. He talked about his own insistence that the girls of Cserdi go to school and become educated. The trip to the United States obviously made an impression on him. “I could talk about Hungary as a Hungarian.” He was not distinguished as a Gypsy and therefore inferior.

Lately Bogdán has given a number of interviews that have made quite an impression on his audience. One especially remarkable interview was with Olga Kálmán on HírTV, in which he expressed his mixed feelings about the hate campaign conducted by the Orbán government. As a result, “My status, as a Gypsy, has been elevated somewhat. Now I belong to the third most hated group in this country. Ahead of me are George Soros and the migrants.” He also told Kálmán that as of now all young Gypsies in Cserdi attend high school. That announcement prompted an associate professor at the Budapest Technical University to write to Bogdán. Since her own daughter is studying abroad, she offered her empty room to the first Gypsy girl from Cserdi who is admitted to a college or university in Budapest. Yes, Bogdán can move people to do the right thing.

August 16, 2017

László Bogdán, the Roma miracle worker of Cserdi

The support of the three opposition parties for Albert Pásztor, former police chief of Miskolc, as the city’s mayoral hopeful caused a huge political storm which still hasn’t subsided. Representatives of the Hungarian liberal intelligentsia or the intellectual elite, as Hungarians like to call this group, have been up in arms. How could these parties ever support a man who five years ago showed himself to be a racist?

Actually, the real target of their ire is the Demokratikus Koalíció. Since the central leadership of Együtt-PM distanced itself from the party’s local representative in Miskolc, critics left Együtt-PM more or less alone. They didn’t bother themselves with MSZP either because, as some of them admit, they don’t have great expectations of the socialists. After all, the party led by Attila Mesterházy, echoing Fidesz, endorsed “law and order” as an answer to society’s ills. DK is the only party that had consistently stood for the rights of all minorities. Its members and voters, all polls indicate, are the least prejudiced against foreigners, Gypsies, Jews, and gays. The intellectual elite expected more from Ferenc Gyurcsány’s party. How could it support a racist?

And here we are in trouble because, as I know from personal experience in private debates with friends and acquaintances, we cannot even agree on what racism is. There are people who think that mentioning the ethnic origin of a person already indicates racist tendencies. Thus, when Albert Pásztor the other day announced that he will treat everybody the same without “regard to origin,” some people cried foul. He shouldn’t have mentioned people’s ethnic origins at all. And yet there are a large number of policemen who are truly racists and who don’t apply the same standards when dealing with Gypsies and non-Gypsies. So, if Pásztor wants to treat everyone equally, this should be considered a step in the right direction.

Some people are reluctant to talk about some of the serious problems that crop up between Roma and non-Roma. But is it racism to talk about the difficulties that exist between the majority and the minority cultures? I guess it depends on the source. One can detect the attitude of the speaker easily enough. Criticism can be well-meaning or hateful.

And what should we do with a Gypsy who passionately wants to change the situation of his fellow men and women but who at the same time is very critical of the majority of the Roma today. I am thinking of László Bogdán, the mayor of Cserdi, a village that lies between Bükkösd and Szentlőrinc in Baranya County.

Bogdán is a man in his late forties who became the mayor of Cserdi about nine years ago. He has transformed the heavily Roma village. How did he do it? The change didn’t come overnight, but by now his accomplishments are known as “the cserdi csoda” (the miracle of Cserdi). When he became mayor, Cserdi was riddled with petty crimes. On the average 200 a year. Today, there are only two or three. Unemployment was extraordinarily high, just in all Baranya villages with large Roma populations. Today, anyone who wants to work can.

László Bogdán (in the middle) is visiting Duisburg, Germany

László Bogdán (in the middle) is visiting Duisburg, Germany

Bogdán was born in great poverty. He told Olga Kálmán the other day on ATV that he was thirteen years old when he finally had a pair of shoes of his own. Thirty years ago he got a job at a multinational company, cleaning the yard of the factory. Then one day they needed someone to pack the factory’s products. He kept going up and up until he was heading a department. Why he left his cushy job I have no idea, but he decided to run for parliament. When he lost, he settled for being the mayor of Cserdi, his birthplace.

Cserdi by now owns a fair sized forest the residents themselves established. They have 3,500 square meters of green houses, and they sell their produce in Pécs. They even had extra to give away to poor people in Budapest. The village owns a house on Lake Balaton. They fixed up most of the houses in the village. Bathrooms were installed in some of the Roma houses that had not known such a luxury. This summer Cserdi organized a summer school for the children. All this is an incredible accomplishment.

And yet Bogdán is a controversial man because of his rather draconian methods of dealing with his workers. He expects excellence, punctuality, and very hard work. And he is harsh with those who don’t perform. If one of the public workers doesn’t show up on time, he is “punished.” He has to read aloud from Micimackó ( Winnie the Pooh) to his fellow workers. He took some of the young people to a jail in Pécs so they could see what is waiting for them if they end up there.

Is Bogdán’s method more effective than some of the others that are being tried at a few places–very few places–in the country? I really don’t know, but I was impressed by the man. He is intelligent and very outspoken. For instance, if it depended on him, he would abolish the whole system of Roma self-government since he believes it does more harm than good. Many of the leaders, as he put it, are barely literate, and their aggressive behavior only alienates the majority population.

László Bogdán’s interview with Olga Kálmán / Egyenes beszéd / ATV

I have no idea whether Bogdán is right. But let’s go back to my pondering about who is racist and who is not. Is Bogdán a racist because he is more critical of the Roma community than most non-Roma? Is it racist to say, as he does, that Gypsies “must learn how to behave”? These are very difficult questions.

We know that the great divide between Roma and non-Roma Hungarians must be minimized. And this means that both sides have to change. The majority population will have to shed its incredible prejudice while the minority must be given the opportunity to achieve a higher economic and social status. But it is hellishly difficult to find the right way to this goal.