Tag Archives: István Tarlós

Who is planning physical violence on the streets of Budapest?

In the last few days more and more political observers have become aware of Fidesz politicians’ frequent references to the violent disturbances that will take place on the streets of Budapest in the coming months. The weak and desperate opposition, encouraged by the foreign enemies of the present government, will forcibly turn against the democratically elected Orbán government, they claim.

The fact is that Fidesz’s forecast of such an eventuality is not new. Already in March of this year three important government politicians, within a few days of one another, predicted a “brutal election campaign” accompanied by possible physical force.

On March 24, 2017, Zsolt Semjén (KDNP), deputy prime minister, was the first to speak of such a possibility in an interview he gave to Magyar Idők. What will make the election “brutal,” he said, is the fact that the opposition will be fighting for their “sheer survival,” and in their “desperation” they will be ready for anything. This will especially be the case if “there is someone abroad” who will give them a blank check and munition. Under these circumstances, Fidesz’s campaign slogan should be: “We must defend the country.”

A few days later László Kövér (Fidesz), president of the parliament, talked about street disturbances instigated by George Soros himself. Kövér envisaged “an undisguised coalition, which might be established between the Hungarian opposition and the Soros organizations with the aim of fomenting attacks against the institutional system of democracy before the elections.” The dirty work will be done by activists of the Soros-financed organizations. “They will try to create a civil-war-like atmosphere.”

The next day János Lázár (Fidesz), chief of staff, picked up the thread and called attention to the forthcoming election campaign that will be more brutal than any in the last 30 years. More recently, Antal Rogán (Fidesz), propaganda minister, frightened his audience by describing dreadful scenes that will take place on the streets of Budapest.

The charge that Fidesz would face a “brutal campaign” became more intense as time went by. Now, it seems, defensive measures are underway. The latest piece of news is that László Földi, a high-ranking intelligence officer in the Kádár regime, has been hired by István Tarlós, mayor of Budapest, to be his “security adviser.” Földi remained in the intelligence apparatus until 1996, when he was removed from his post by the Horn government because Földi and his men had a strange notion of “intelligence work.” They were watching and reporting on MSZP politicians. Földi is a devoted supporter of the Fidesz government, which uses him as a “national security expert.” I don’t think I’m alone in regarding Földi as raving mad. Unfortunately he spreads his outlandish interpretation of world affairs in the government-sponsored media. I devoted a post to him about a year and a half ago. There I expressed my suspicion that Földi may work for the Orbán government behind the scenes. This suspicion was reinforced by the news of Földi’s association with Tarlós.

I must say that I was stunned to find Földi in the city hall of Budapest, because although I have a low opinion of Tarlós, I didn’t think he was so naïve and gullible that he would listen to a man who is clearly a lunatic. But then, I remembered Tarlós expounding on the block that was masterfully crafted to fit the door of the Russian-made metro car in order to create public dissatisfaction. It was Földi’s voice talking there. In an interview Földi gave to Demokrata a few days ago, he expounded on “a new political style” developed by the opposition, which “will create chaos by attacking the city’s infrastructure,” as, for example, in case of the metro cars. But there will be other problems cropping up in the future, like in the water and gas supply or in garbage collection. The opposition will take advantage of these small problems to turn the population against the government.

In the fall, when the trouble starts, Földi said, the government must be resolute and the powers-that-be mustn’t retreat. Földi noticed that there were many foreigners among the demonstrators who went out on the streets during the spring and early summer. These are paid troublemakers who go from city to city all over Europe to create chaos. Behind them is the “clandestine power” Viktor Orbán and others talk about. But if you think that it is George Soros who is at the apex of this hidden power structure, you are wrong. According to Földi, he is just “the delivery boy.” The real decisions are made by hidden groups for whom his open society is only an instrument, not the goal. Budapest must be ready for this onslaught, and the police must act firmly. Tarlós seems to fall for Földi’s scenario, as was evident during his press conference after the transit authorities’ e-ticket disaster.

“Peaceful demonstrators” in October 2006

All in all, something is going on in the heads of Fidesz politicians and their “advisers.” Mátyás Eörsi, a former SZDSZ politician with many years in the Hungarian parliament, wrote a lengthier post on the subject on his Facebook page. In his experience, Fidesz talks about its “own sins” quite openly but with great finesse. Whatever they have done in the past or plan to do in the future appears in their parliamentary speeches as accusations directed at their opponents. It is a devilishly clever strategy because the opposition is immediately forced into a defensive posture. Those of us who follow Hungarian events know that the current Hungarian opposition has no intention of wreaking havoc on the streets of Budapest. So, based on Eörsi’s past experiences, he thinks it likely that Fidesz itself plans to provoke disturbances, which would be a bonanza for the Orbán government.

In addition, Eörsi makes another important observation. Let me quote him: “For me, the words of Kövér and Rogán about riots on the streets are the clearest proof of the true story of what happened in Budapest between 2006 and 2008. If anyone, it is the leaders of Fidesz who know exactly who stood where and what party interests were behind the street riots. Fidesz, when accusing others of organizing riots, is actually making a confession. From the words of Kövér and Rogán we can understand who generated the street disturbances in Budapest between 2006 and 2008.”

September 4, 2017

Search for saboteurs brings back unpleasant memories

Some journalists, especially of the younger generation, find the situation created by the incompetence of the Budapest Transit Authority (BKK) in handling the cyber attack on its website amusing. Every time the CEO of BKK or the mayor of Budapest opens his mouth it is patently obvious that he doesn’t know what he is talking about. And then there are the repeated breakdowns of the Russian-made metro cars, which are getting harder and harder to explain away. The reasons they offer are greeted with hilarity and incredulity. In turn, Mayor István Tarlós, who has had a fairly rocky relationship with the press, devotes his considerable energies to attacking the “tee-heeing”(heherésző) scribblers.

Since the leaders of the city are reluctant to admit that the problems are the result of either their own incompetence or the shoddy work of the Russian firm that produced the metro cars, they blame the media for exaggerating the rare and in any case fairly inconsequential mishaps. And if that tactic doesn’t work, they are quite ready to blame someone else for their own shortcomings. This is exactly what’s going on with the cyber attack against BKK and the obstinate metro car doors that refuse to close. In both cases, Tarlós talked about sabotage that had been carefully planned way ahead of time.

At least for the time being, however, the journalists don’t seem to be frightened. They compare the present situation to the 1950s when the communist leadership could easily find a couple of saboteurs who were responsible for the failure of a new factory to open by the deadline. Journalists recall Comrade Virág, the legendary character of the famous Hungarian film “The Witness,” who would be very impressed (if he lived today) by the government’s ability to find “three anti-people sabotages in one week.”

As for the explanation of the latest metro car incident, jokes abound in the opposition media about the “wooden block” that someone placed in the track of the sliding door. No one really believes the story. So, Tarlós made sure at his July 27 press conference that the journalists realize “this is not a joke,” because for such an act of sabotage the prescribed jail term is five years. The media’s reaction is that of deep distrust: if the powers that be work hard enough, they will find culprits. Everybody has heard stories about those dreadful days more than 60 years ago, which seem to be returning.

For the time being at least Tarlós stands behind Kálmán Dabóczi, CEO of BKK. After all, Dabóczi was his choice in 2014 when Tarlós fired the young Dávid Vitézy, whom he accused of hysterical and anti-social behavior. At the time I didn’t follow the “soap opera,” as Tarlós called it, of the firing of Vitézy but, if I recall properly, Vitézy had ideas that Tarlós found far too revolutionary, among them the introduction of the latest IT technology in running the public transportation system of Budapest.

From what Dabóczi had to say about the cyber attack on BKK’s website, it is clear that he doesn’t know the first thing about computer science and the internet. I don’t know how seriously one should take what Tarlós said at his press conference about the details of the massive attack that occurred after the discovery of the initial software problems. One begins to have doubts about the “experts” BKK apparently consulted who claim that a cyber attack of that magnitude is extremely costly. After all, says Tarlós, “40 million people entered BKK’s website within an hour, which costs 300 million forints and a lot of human resources.” One doesn’t need to be a computer expert to know that such attacks are powered by botnets. They are quite inexpensive (apparently starting at about $7 an hour) and need no manpower. Tarlós bragged about his knowledge by explaining that the hackers used 87 IP addresses and that what really did the system in were attacks from “foreign servers.” Well, of course. But at least Tarlós concluded that such a costly operation could not have been launched by the 18-year-old high school student. One ought to add that Tarlós likes to portray himself as a man of superior knowledge about everything technological because of his degree in engineering.

István Tarlós with the wooden block on display

Although demands from opposition forces are numerous for Kálmán Dabóczi’s dismissal, Tarlós stands behind the man, even though the CEO of BKK, who was known in the past as a champion of “morality,” lied several times in the course of the discovery of the software error. Since BKK and its CEO are innocent, the culprit must be the German T-Systems and its Hungarian affiliate, whose leadership “slyly lie low,” according to Tarlós. Without wanting to defend T-Systems, which obviously delivered shoddy work, one must also lay some blame on BKK, which turned a blind eye to warnings about the system’s security problems.

As for the problems of the metro car doors, what can one say? Tarlós’s  explanation that the wooden block was most likely put in the door’s track “between stations” makes no sense to me. After all, between stations the doors are closed. Of course, the skeptical journalists and the equally skeptical public are certain that there was no wooden block, although Tarlós had one on display.

During this same press conference Tarlós put his foot in his mouth when he was asked about the absence of handicapped accessibility at some of the stations. He claimed that there is only one disabled person in every 1,000 passengers, and therefore the additional cost is not warranted. Of course, his explanation is ridiculous because if the metro is not handicapped accessible, very few handicapped people will use it. The second problem is that his numbers are all wrong. The National Federation of the Association of Disabled Persons (MEOSZ) reacted by pointing out that making the metro handicapped accessible is not a choice. It is the regulatory duty of the city. In addition, Tarlós’s statistics are faulty: one in every ten people is handicapped according to the World Health Organization. Moreover, there are parents with baby carriages and older people who have difficulties with escalators and stairs. In the opinion of MEOSZ’s president, Tarlós and the City Council never seriously considered making the M3 line handicapped accessible, and therefore he is planning to make an illegal move. It’s time to find solutions instead of creating excuses.

So, that’s where we stand. Meanwhile the cyber crime experts in the national security offices attached to the ministry of interior are looking for the man with 300 million forints who attacked BKK in order to create chaos during the World Aquatic Championships.

July 31, 2017

Another grain of sand on the pile: The e-ticket fiasco

There is a Hungarian word “nagypolitika” (literally “large politics”) that is used when talking about a piece of news or an event that has national or international significance. Today’s topic is anything but “nagypolitika.” On the contrary, on the surface at least, it seems like an insignificant affair that luckily hasn’t caused major problems, only annoyance. Yet, judging from the public’s reaction to the faulty software of the newly introduced e-tickets of the Budapest Transit Center (Budapest Közlekedési Központ/BKK), the case has become the focal point of all the frustration Hungarians are experiencing over the incompetence and the arrogance of the Orbán regime in general.

Itcafé, an internet site serving those interested in information technology, claims that the present public mood can be compared only to the impromptu mass demonstrations against the government’s plans to introduce a heavy tax on internet use during the fall of 2015. Just like then, thousands are planning to march in defense of the 18-year-old boy who discovered the software glitch in the first place. Our young hero handled the situation pretty much the way most white hat hackers would have. After he discovered that by changing something in the “POST request” he could set his own price for a ticket, he purchased a monthly ticket for 50 forints (20 cents) instead of 10,000 ($38.00). He then fired off an e-mail to BKK pointing out the security risk, assuring them that his intentions were good. He also perhaps foolishly announced that at the age of 13 he wouldn’t have made such a gross error as the one he found in the brand new e-ticket software. The software company responsible for this shoddy piece of work was I T Systems Magyarország, an affiliate of the German I T Systems Group.

I T Systems Magyarország reported the hacking “crime,” and the police appeared at the boy’s house some 300 km from Budapest and arrested him. The very fact of the arrest upset the internet crowd, but the fact that the arrest took place at 7 a.m. really infuriated them. Media critics of the government interpreted the timing as intimidation, especially since this was not the first time that the Hungarian police have visited people for some minor offenses as, for example, not appearing in court as a witness, in the early hours. Soon enough everybody began calling our hero “the ethical hacker,” although, as I T System countered, “an ethical hacker” is someone who is hired by the company to catch glitches of the kind Szilárd found. The fact is, of course, that no one had found the glitch before our hacker reported it. I T Systems claimed that they had no choice but to move against the boy, regardless of his intentions.

Soon enough other security problems came to light, one of which at least was quite serious. Index warned those who had already signed up on BKK’s website for an e-ticket to change their passwords immediately because hackers can get to their passwords and their e-mail addresses. At a joint press conference given by BKK and I T Systems, the journalists gained the impression that the companies were blaming the customers instead of admitting that there is something wrong with the whole system. As days went by, anger grew. First, BKK’s Facebook page was bombarded with less than polite comments about what people thought of BKK and the decision to bring charges against the boy. On one afternoon 35,000 comments appeared on the site. Two days ago BKK’s website stopped functioning, and it is still unreachable. It is hard to tell whether it became the victim of not so ethical hackers or was just overloaded with users who wanted to vent their frustration. The two companies remained silent until late Friday night when they released a terse statement about the illegal hacking of their system, adding that they were sorry that the accused is a young student whose intentions were well-meaning, but otherwise they expressed no remorse. People demanded an apology.

BKK released statements about all the improvements they are working on, which only revealed the ignorance of the company about the technical aspects of the software the company purchased. The CEO of BKK kept talking about installing a “stronger firewall” as a solution, which of course is nonsense given the problems of the software. At last on Saturday the two companies “issued a half-hearted apology,” as 24.hu put it. Most likely Mayor István Tarlós put pressure on Kálmán Dabóczi, CEO of BKK, to make a statement. A day earlier Tarlós had disclaimed any responsibility for the situation created by the joint incompetence of BKK and I T Systems. Tarlós also promised an investigation of the whole debacle. The CEO of I T Systems by the end was also forced to engage the “ethical hacker” in professional dialogue, which almost sounded like a job offer.

All’s well that ends well, one could say. The boy was a bit shaken by the few hours he had to spend in jail; the software will be fixed; and the two CEOs have been humbled. It is possible that the head of BKK will lose his job as opposition parties demand. Why then the demonstration? The answer, I think, is simple. This public outburst is not just against the shabby treatment of the “ethical hacker.” It is against the whole system which is riddled with incompetence and graft. Vasárnapi Hírek pointed out that the Budapest Transit Authority has been promising an e-ticket system for ten solid years. According to them, this useless software cost 250 million forints. However, according to another source, “BKK received a 550 million forint subsidy” for a project that “is not worth more than 1 or 2 million.” Where did the money go, asks Z. V. in a letter to the editor. Actually, I’m afraid these figures greatly underestimate the real cost of the e-ticket project. I found an item on BKK’s official website—which unfortunately I can’t access at the moment, and which may no longer be there when the website comes back online—from 2012, according to which the city council voted to launch the e-ticket service and for that purpose the City of Budapest gave 6 billion forints to BKK. Six billion. Five years ago, and that’s what came of it.

Finally, here is an interpretation of this BKK affair that I wish were mine. The Hungarian “Szilárd” reminded Szabolcs Bogdán, a writer, of Mathias Rust, the 17-year-old West German youngster who in 1987 landed his plane on Red Square, escaping recognition by the Soviet Air Force. The self-confident Soviet leaders with seemingly limitless powers ruled the empire, but then came this small plane from West Germany. Heads rolled in the Soviet Air Force and the bigwigs thought all was well, merely a fleeting embarrassment. It turned out, however, that the weakness of the whole political system was laid bare by this plane’s landing. The regime was not omnipotent.

I don’t think the comparison is far-fetched. I don’t know how long it will take, but Orbán’s seeming self-confidence is unwarranted. Political life in Hungary right now is like the pile of sand made famous by the Danish physicist Per Bak: once the pile reaches the critical point, adding another grain of sand to it may cause an avalanche. There are times when one small thing can inexorably change the course of history.

July 23, 2017

Viktor Orbán’s dirty political deal at the expense of the City of Budapest

Two years ago I wrote a post titled “Another Russian-Hungarian deal, good only for the Russians,” about the contract for 37 metro trains with 6 cars each to replace the by now almost 40-year-old Soviet-made metro cars servicing the M3 metro line. Their replacement was long overdue. The decision could no longer be postponed because of the frequent technical mishaps that could endanger lives. Soviet metro cars built in 1970 for the M2 line had already been replaced with brand new Alstom cars. The new M4 line also uses Alstom-built cars, and therefore it would have made sense to purchase the 222 metro cars for the M3 line from Alstom as well.

But this is not what happened. After years of often acrimonious discussions between the central government and Mayor István Tarlós, it was decided in the spring of 2015 that Budapest cannot buy new trains. The old rusted-out Soviet wrecks will have to be refurbished as a cost-cutting measure, and naturally the job will be done by the same Russian company (though subsequently renamed). The suspicion from the very beginning was that this Hungarian “favor” was part of the Paks II deal. After all, the Russian government would be giving Hungary a 10 billion euro loan to build a nuclear power plant, and therefore it was only fair that the Hungarians spend 222 million euros for the 222 metro cars. From the Russians’ point of view, it was a reasonable position to take, even though it was an unethical and illegal business deal. But what I find totally unacceptable is that Viktor Orbán, the great patriot, the prime minister of Hungary, lent his name to this thoroughly dirty deal that was disadvantageous to his own country. It was clear from the outset that the so-called refurbished, technologically outdated, non-air-conditioned cars are vastly inferior to the new super-modern ones even though the City of Budapest was going to pay almost as much for the refurbished cars as it would have for new ones.

But that’s not all. There is a twist in the story that makes the whole deal absolutely sickening. Many experts, after looking over the first cars that arrived in Hungary about a year ago, are fairly certain that these cars are in fact new. One could retort: what’s wrong with that? Actually, it sounds like a good deal. One pays only for refurbishing old ones and gets new ones instead. What a great bargain. Well, not quite. It seems likely that the manufacturer, Metrovagonmash, built a whole series of metro cars in 2008 which were not competitive with products built by Alstom, Siemens, Bombardier, etc. If the City of Budapest were to order new cars, Metrovagonmash couldn’t possible win the tender. Hence, the deal worked out by the two crooks, Viktor Orbán and Vladimir Putin. Under the guise of cost-saving refurbishing, the City of Budapest ended up with inferior new cars for practically the same price they would have paid if they had bought Alstom cars. This is how Viktor Orbán in the service of Putin was helping a Russian company in obvious financial straits. Because it has become evident lately that Metrovagonmash is ready to speed up production in order to be paid as soon as possible. They seem to need cash.

The old 1978 metro car

And the “refurbished” one

But now Metrovagonmash might be in trouble. After months of one technical failure after the other in the nine trains delivered so far, BKV (Budapest Közlekedési Vállalat / Hungarian Transit Co.) has lost patience. They refuse to accept any more cars and demand more than 800 million forints by way of penalty for non-performance. They also told Metrovagonmash’s management to come to Budapest to discuss the matter. And there will be a lot to discuss.

The first train with six cars arrived in Hungary during the winter of 2016, but the train still needed a lot of work. It made the long trip on existing railroad lines, which could have ruined certain parts of the train, including its engine, if it had been completed. So, the final touches were done in Budapest. Then, drivers had to be trained. At last, on March 20, the first train made its debut. But after a few hours the train had to be taken out of service. There was something wrong with the opening of the doors.

Ever since, there have been constant problems with the Russian trains. Although nine trains have been delivered, only four of them are actually being used. The rest are obviously not yet travel-ready, and those that are deemed so are under constant repair. It is bad enough when the doors don’t open, but it can be fatal when they open on the wrong side, as happened on June 13. Or, even worse, the doors open on both sides. Then it can also happen that the train is already on its merry way but the doors are still open. As one of the passengers said, “It was very frightening.” On June 14 the Russian engineers triumphantly announced that they had found the problem and from here on all will be well.

That turned out to be false optimism. A week later a new/old train arrived at the Western Station metro stop but the doors didn’t open at all. The train arrived later than expected and was absolutely jammed. During the next 12 minutes, the driver asked for patience and apologized for the inconvenience several times. Eventually he announced that the train must be shunted in order to enter the station again when the doors are supposed to open. As time went by, the passengers expressed their dissatisfaction not only with the train but with the government. They said nasty things about Lőrinc Mészáros, Fidesz, the stadiums, and claimed that conditions were better in the 1980s. As time went by, panic set in. Some women cried, others, the more claustrophobic types, were so eager to get out that in two of the cars strong guys tried to pry open the emergency exit. That, by the way, was quite a feat, given the less than satisfactory construction of the emergency exit. Several men were required to turn the handle that was needed for the operation.

This incident was the straw that broke the camel’s back. BKV will not send more old cars Russia to be “refurbished,” it is claiming a penalty for non-performance, and they talk about future severe sanctions. Erzsébet Gy. Németh, DK member of the Budapest City Council, who was the only representative who voted against the deal initially, demanded that István Tarlós break the contract with the Russians. In any case, the Közlekedési Hatóság (Transport Authority) has withdrawn all six refurbished subway trains from use.

Erzsébet Gy. Németh, being an opposition politician, also demanded István Tarlós’s resignation. Although I find Tarlós an objectionable person, this time I must say that this whole dirty deal is not his fault. He had no choice. The old cars were becoming dangerous; the City had to take out a loan, which couldn’t be done without a government guarantee. The guilty one is Viktor Orbán, who perhaps one day will have to answer in court for what I consider to be abuse of power by knowingly forcing a disadvantageous deal on the City of Budapest for political gain. According to the Hungarian penal code, if he is found guilty, a three-year jail sentence is the minimal punishment. Wouldn’t that be nice, after the scores of innocent people he dragged into court on trumped-up charges?

As I was reading the description of what happened in that metro car where the doors wouldn’t open, I was thinking that there have been occasions in world history when something that ordinary sparked a revolution. The fact that people verbally abused the government in a country where fear is palpable is remarkable by itself. Slowly we may be edging toward a moment when dissatisfaction will burst into action.

June 25, 2017

Eradicating György Lukács’s heritage

György (Georg) Lukács (1885-1971), the Hungarian Marxist philosopher, might be controversial, but he was an important figure in twentieth-century western philosophy. Because of his life-long affiliation with the communist movement of the Soviet variety, however, the two far-right parties, Fidesz and Jobbik, have been doing their best to obliterate his name from the country’s collective memory.

These two parties found a willing accomplice in this task in József Pálinkás, president of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences between 2008 and 2014. Pálinkás, who earlier was a member of the first Orbán government and later a Fidesz member of parliament, is one of those who find any remaining vestiges of liberalism or socialism in Hungary abhorrent. He is no friend of the United States either. As soon as Fidesz won the national election and a few months later the municipal election in Budapest, Pálinkás’s first act was to start a campaign to remove FDR’s name from the public square where the Academy’s building stands. That move launched a frenzy of street renaming, with the removal of all those names the Fidesz and Jobbik city leaders found suspect. It was the Pálinkás-led Academy that eventually came to the help of those hapless mayors who couldn’t, for example, decide on their own whether a street could retain the name “Peace” or “Constitution.”

It was just a question of time before Pálinkás and his right-leaning friends in the Academy would find something very wrong with Lukács, who had left his library and manuscripts to the Academy. The understanding was that the collection would remain intact in the apartment in which he and his wife lived for decades. The apartment didn’t belong to Lukács; he rented it from the municipality. So, after his death, it was the Academy that paid the rent on the apartment, which was open to researchers from all over the world who were interested in Lukács’s work. After 2010, however, it was becoming clear that the government wanted to put an end to this arrangement. A group of philosophers who once upon a time were close to Lukács were harassed and accused of misappropriating research funds. Rumors circulated that the Academy wants to break up the collection and close the Lukács memorial center.

Apparently, a decision on the matter was reached during Pálinkás’s tenure, i.e., before 2014, but it was handed down only in March 2016. By that time the Academy had a new president, László Lovász, a Hungarian mathematician best known for his work in combinatorics. Unlike his two predecessors who were committed to the ideology of the right, Lovász tries to be politically neutral, no easy task in Hungary today.

Just as predicted, it was decided that the collection will be broken up, with the books eventually being moved to a library that hasn’t been built yet and the manuscripts being moved to the archives of the Academy. Those who would like to save the collection as it is now received help from the International Lukács Association with headquarters in Germany. Soon enough 3,500 signatures were collected worldwide to support the effort. At the moment the fate of the collection hangs in the balance.

The Lukács library and archives are not the only Lukács-related institutions that have been under fire. Jobbik politicians who have been active in eradicating Lukács’s name from Hungarian history decided to go to court, arguing that the György Lukács Foundation bears Lukács’s name illegally. When the Academy’s Historical Institute was instructed to rule on the question of forbidden street names, Lukács’s name was on the list. Therefore, the suit contended, no foundation can bear his name either. The judge in charge was at a loss, but at least he had the good sense to turn to László Lovász, president of the Academy. Until then Lovász had said nothing about the Lukács case, for which he was criticized. But once, at the request of the court, he had to take a stand, he opted to defend Lukács. He emphasized Lukács’s place in the history of philosophy and stressed the indispensability of nurturing his intellectual heritage. The foundation serves this purpose. If it were deprived of the name of the philosopher, it would lose the very rationale for its existence. The court accepted his opinion and ruled against Jobbik. You can imagine what the anti-Semitic kuruc.info had to say upon hearing the news. Lukács, the author wrote, was “a Jewish Marxist philosopher” and the judge’s ruling was an example of “anti-Hungarianism.”

It will be removed soon

But that’s not the end of the Lukács story. Lukács still has a statue in a park in District XIII, where the socialist party is very strong. Right-wing politicians have been eyeing the statue for some time. The Fidesz-KDNP candidate for district mayor actually campaigned on the issue in 2014. If he becomes mayor, he said, Lukács will go. When that came to naught, local Jobbik leaders asked the socialist mayor to remove the statue, which he naturally refused to do. In fact, these Jobbik politicians were knocking on the wrong door because the land on which the statue stands is under the jurisdiction of the Budapest Municipal Council. Here they naturally had a much better chance. Mayor István Tarlós loves removing names of political undesirables. Marcell Tokody, Jobbik member of the Budapest City Council, proposed removing the statue to make space for a new St. Stephen statue for the 980th anniversary of St. Stephen’s death, obviously a very important anniversary. Of course, the overwhelmingly Fidesz City Council voted for it with enthusiasm: 19 city fathers supported Jobbik’s proposal, and three members–two from the Demokratikus Koalíció and one from MSZP–voted against it. One member abstained.

At this point, the socialist mayor of District XIII asked István Tarlós to allow the statue to be erected on soil that belongs to the District. Tarlós pointed out that it is not his decision but that of the City Council. He added, however, that he would not support such a move “because of [Lukács’s] oeuvre [munkásság],” as if Tarlós had the slightest notion of Lukács’s oeuvre. So, kuruc.info didn’t have to worry that District XIII will provide a place for “a rat’s statue.” Actually, Lukács wasn’t the only “rat.” Kuruc.info also included in this category Árpád Göncz, the beloved first president of the Third Republic (1900-2000). This whole sorry story tells us a lot about the state of Hungary at the moment.

March 25, 2017

The Hungarian opposition shows signs of life

Momentum’s victory

The major news of the day is the overwhelming success of Momentum’s signature drive for a referendum on holding the 2024 Olympic Games in Budapest. They needed 138,000 signatures; they collected 266,151. Although the young leaders of the movement don’t seem to be overly grateful, about 60,000 of these signatures were collected by political parties on the left. LMP and Párbeszéd were especially active.

Momentum’s plan at the moment is to become a self-sufficient party. But I wouldn’t be surprised if closer cooperation among Momentum, Párbeszéd, and LMP would materialize, especially now that Párbeszéd has withdrawn from negotiations with MSZP and DK.

Viktor Orbán, who a few months ago considered hosting the 2024 Olympic Games “a matter of national significance,” a couple of days ago instructed the Fidesz-KDNP parliamentary delegation to refrain from any comment in the event that Momentum gets the necessary number of signatures. His position now is that the central government supported the idea only after the Budapest City Council, including opposition members, voted to submit an application to the IOC.

Budapest mayor István Tarlós, although initially against holding the Olympics in Budapest, now stands by Viktor Orbán. He complains about “the betrayal of the opposition,” which a year and a half ago supported the idea heart and soul and now portrays itself as the defender of the people and the country. Unfortunately, there is a great deal of truth in this charge. Csaba Horváth (MSZP), József Tóth (MSZP), and Gergely Karácsony (Párbeszéd) supported the application. Even Erzsébet Gy. Németh (DK), who verbally disapproved of it, had the courage only to abstain. The sole person to vote against it was Antal Csárdi (LMP). Bravery and consistency are not the strong points of the Hungarian socialists and liberals.

Granted, given government pressure and the general Fidesz enthusiasm for the project, it was guaranteed to sail through the Budapest City Council. Still, those opposition city fathers who have been so loud of late in their disapproval of the project would look a great deal better if they had not bent under pressure and had instead voted their conscience. MSZP is especially hesitant to take a stand when its leaders believe, rightly or wrongly, that its voters might not approve of the party’s actions.

Tarlós indicated that once the final verdict on the number of signatures is announced, he “will think very seriously about withdrawing the application.” Given the enormous number of signatures collected, there is no doubt that the referendum request will be valid. And if the referendum were actually held, the “no’s” would carry the day. Tomorrow Publicus Intézet will publish its latest poll, according to which 76% of the total population would use the money for something much more important. The respondents could pick from several categories and obviously, since the numbers add up to more than 100%, could choose to allocate the saved funds to more than one urgent need. 65% of them opted for healthcare, 32% for education, 16% for the elimination of poverty, 11% for the creation of new jobs, and 8% for better infrastructure.

András Fekete-Győr proudly displaying the fruit of Momentum’s labor

The leaders of Momentum will embark on a two-month tour of the countryside where they plan to establish local party cells. András Fekete-Győr announced a few hours ago that the new party will have candidates in all 120 electoral districts. It intends to compete against the other opposition parties, although we know that fracturing the anti-Orbán forces is political suicide. Under the current electoral law, which is designed for a two-party system, a divided opposition can only lose. Nonetheless, for the time being Momentum is planning to follow in the footsteps of LMP, which doesn’t bode well for either Momentum or Hungarian democracy. László Bartus of Amerikai Magyar Népszava has already written an opinion piece in which he expresses his fears that Momentum is glossing over the distinction between Hungary prior to and after 2010.

László Botka’s program is shaping up

The anti-Orbán forces got some good news yesterday when Republikon Intézet published its poll on the popularity of current candidates for the post of prime minister. Viktor Orbán and László Botka are essentially neck to neck. Botka is only two percentage points behind Viktor Orbán (46% to 44%). What is especially significant is that Botka is by far the more popular candidate among undecided voters, 44% against Orbán’s 29%, a result that didn’t surprise me as much as it seems to have surprised the media. I have been convinced for a long time that if someone could inspire this group to vote, the majority would vote for a candidate on the left.

Many voters who sympathize with the “liberal” democratic parties in Hungary have been impatient with László Botka’s relative inaction since he announced that he intended to throw his hat in the ring. For example, although he promised to visit the chairmen of the smaller parties, he hasn’t gotten around to it yet. Yesterday I read that the first party he will visit will be LMP, an odd choice, I would say, since LMP’s willingness to negotiate with Botka is about zero.

On the other hand, Botka at last came out with an article, published in 168 Óra, in which he spells out at least part of his program. He embraces the idea of introducing a guaranteed basic income on an experimental basis in the most underdeveloped and poorest regions of the country. I assume that would be the northeastern corner and the County of Baranya along the Croatian-Hungarian border, both with large Roma populations. He also envisages introducing a supplement to pensions that do not provide enough income for survival. He would like to alleviate the difficulties younger people have in gaining access to affordable housing. He proposes that municipalities build apartment complexes, with apartments to be rented out at reasonable prices. He wants to change the flat tax system introduced by the second Orbán government to a progressive one. Moreover, he wants to introduce a property tax on high-priced real estate and luxury cars. In addition, Botka emphasized that education and health will his government’s priority.

I am curiously awaiting the reaction of the media and the general public. I’m sure that most of these goals will meet the expectations of the majority, although I don’t know how people will feel about the idea of a guaranteed basic income. I assume that MSZP will fully support these goals, but they will also have to be approved by those parties that are ready to stand behind Botka. The way things are going, very soon it will be only DK that Botka will have to negotiate with.

We already know the reaction of the government media to Republikon Intézet’s poll on Botka’s popularity. Here are some headlines: “Few people support László Botka on the left,” “Botka is not supported even on the left,” “László Botka is not popular.” The source of this information? Fidesz’s own pollster, Századvég.

February 17, 2017

The perils of being an opposition politician in Hungary

I don’t know whether I will be able to make a coherent story out of the mess the Orbán government most likely has purposefully created regarding the report of the European Commission’s European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) on irregularities—fraud and possible corruption—in connection with the construction of Budapest’s fourth metro line (M4). The report covered the period between 2006 and 2015.

Although the Hungarian government received the OLAF report—or its English-language summary, the Hungarian public heard about it only from the English-language news site Politico. It didn’t take long before the Fidesz government and the Fidesz-led City of Budapest, on the one hand, and the politicians of the socialist-liberal government of the pre-2010 period, on the other, were at each other’s throats. The government claimed that practically all the financial wrongdoings were committed before 2010 while the opposition politicians accused the Orbán government of making political hay out of the case while refusing to make the report public. The administration claimed that it has no authority to release OLAF’s findings.

Most likely because of the holiday season at the end of the year, for about a month not much happened. Then, on January 16, János Lázár officially announced that he will file a complaint against Gábor Demszky (SZDSZ), mayor of Budapest between 1990 and 2010, Csaba Horváth (MSZP), deputy mayor between 2006 and 2009, and János Atkári, a highly respected economist who for many years served as Gábor Demszky’s financial adviser. That announcement started an avalanche of often conflicting articles in the Hungarian media.

A day after Lázár’s announcement, his deputy Nándor Csepreghy gave a detailed press conference dealing with the Metro4 corruption case. The government found MTI’s report of that press conference so important that it was immediately translated into English. We learned from Csepreghy that the Fidesz government had had its own suspicions of fraud surrounding the project even before. The OLAF report only confirmed these suspicions.

Csepreghy disclosed a few relevant facts that might help our understanding of the case. For example, he revealed that the investigators of OLAF conducted interviews with 50 individuals, “including the competent executives and managers” of the Budapest Transit Authority (BKV) and the City of Budapest. In addition, Csepreghy named a few companies that had been involved in the construction of the metro line as possible culprits. He also gave the initials of certain individuals heading large public and private companies. Finally, he said that “there are dozens of actors mentioned in the report who were politicians, were associated with the realm of politics, or operated as semi-public actors.” Finally, he told the press that the “government’s legal advisers are currently looking into the possibility of disclosing the OLAF report to the public in its entirety, to which the Government is fully committed.”

Nándor Csepreghy at the press conference / Photo: Tamás Kovács (MTI)

Although the government filed a complaint against Demszky, Horváth, and Atkári, they weren’t among the individuals Csepreghy referred to by their initials. A Magyar Idők editorial found Demszky’s absence from the list especially regrettable. The former mayor will get off scot-free because “according to rumors, his name doesn’t appear to be in the report.” Only the CEOs of large companies will be prosecuted. But what will happen if they reveal “the name of the chief coordinator”? In brief, the journalist responsible for this editorial accuses Gábor Demszky of being the head of a conspiracy to commit fraud.

Meanwhile Hungarian members of the European Parliament decided to look into the question of whether the Hungarian government told the truth when it claimed that it needed the approval of OLAF to release the report and that it was waiting for OLAF’s response to its request. All three opposition MEPs–Csaba Molnár (DK), Benedek Jávor (Párbeszéd), and István Ujhelyi (MSZP)–asked the head of OLAF, Giovanni Kessler, about OLAF’s position. All three claimed that, according to the information they received, it was up to the Hungarian government whether to release the document or not. Since there is a controversy over the meaning of the information received, I will rely on Ujhelyi’s statement, which includes the original English-language letter he received from OLAF. Here is the crucial passage:

In response to your question, since the OLAF final report has now reached its intended recipients, the Office is not in a position to decide on the possible release of the report. Such a decision belongs in the first place to the national authorities to which the report was addressed. It is for these authorities to assess the impact of a possible release of the report and to ensure compliance with the relevant legal obligations on judicial secrecy, data protection and procedural rights, including the right of access to file.

It is hard to fathom why the Orbán government again resorted to lying instead of appealing to the possible legal problems that could stem from the release of the report. Since then, Attila Péterfalvi, president of the National Authority for Data Protection and Freedom of Information, personally asked István Tarlós, who by now has a copy of the document, not to make the OLAF report public. It looks as if Péterfalvi, before making this request, consulted with János Lázár of the Prime Minister’s Office and Péter Polt, the chief prosecutor, who are both against the release. Although there might be compelling legal reasons not to allow the publication of the OLAF report, given the reputation of Péter Polt’s prosecutor’s office one cannot help being skeptical about the real reasons for the secrecy.

Over the weekend Gábor Demszky gave an interview to Vasárnapi Hírek in which he detailed his position on the case. Demszky said that, according to the rules of the Council of Europe and the European Parliament, OLAF must give anyone mentioned in their investigative reports the opportunity to respond. Since no one contacted Demszky, Horváth or Atkári, it is probably safe to assume that they are not the subjects of the investigation. Even so, the Orbán government filed complaints against them. Demszky also said that because OLAF conducted its investigation between 2012 and 2016, “most of their information came from the offices of the Fidesz government.” OLAF, Demszky added, most likely accepted the information in good faith because its investigators don’t expect these offices to be swayed by political pressure.

I might add that one has to be very careful when assessing the veracity of witness testimony. We know from other politically motivated trials that witnesses often give false testimony. The most infamous was that of Zsolt Balogh, head of BKV. In order to save himself months of pre-trial custody, he invented the story that Miklós Hagyó (MSZP), one of the deputy mayors, demanded 40 million forints, to be delivered in a Nokia box.

The opposition parties are truly worried about the prospect of years of investigation by politically motivated Hungarian prosecutors. Even though in the past most defendants were eventually exonerated, they remained in limbo for years and their careers were ruined. We must also keep in mind that although OLAF has filed scores of such reports on cases involving fraudulent procurement practices, only four guilty verdicts have been handed down in the last almost seven years. Some cases, like that involving Orbán’s son-in-law, were unceremoniously dropped. The prosecutors’ sudden interest in this case indicates to me that they think they can use it to do damage to the opposition, one way or another. Evidence of culpability has never been the litmus test for deciding which cases to pursue.

January 30, 2017