Tag Archives: moral depravity

The moral health of Hungarian society

More and more thoughtful Hungarians are raising their voices, calling attention to a moral and social crisis in their country. The deplorable state of Hungarian society has been a phenomenon of long standing. It wasn’t Viktor Orbán who created a society that is oblivious to the fact that the country in which they live is heading toward a tipping point when the entire edifice might collapse, burying the country’s citizens beneath the ruins. Though it is Viktor Orbán who is speeding up the process.

While an overwhelming majority of the population can be mobilized against non-existent immigrants, most people pay not the slightest attention to the demographic crisis in their own country. They blithely accept the fact that far too many young, well-educated people are leaving the country because they see no future in their homeland.

Hungarian education is in serious crisis. The new centralized system created by the second Orbán government barely functions, and student performance is deteriorating. Segregation of schools has become a reality and, with it, social mobility has been further stifled. The autonomy of the universities is long gone. Healthcare is inadequate because, among other things, there are not enough doctors and nurses. Hungarian bureaucracy has always been cumbersome and expensive, but by now it is close to collapsing because political loyalty is more important to Fidesz and its leader than professional competence.

Corruption has been growing steadily, and I’m not talking only about financial corruption but about the corruption of the soul, the contempt for others, racism, a lack of solidarity, the widespread vulgarity, the churches’ total indifference to the sufferings of the asylum seekers, the cowardice of individuals who don’t speak up against blatantly illegal acts of the government.

Hungary, a country that was the model in the region, has become a laggard in economic growth. The rate of investment is very low, poverty is growing, too little money is being spent on education. Should I continue?

These problems can be summed up in a single word: Hungarian society is ill. László Lengyel, an economist and public commentator, went so far as to to say that “Hungary is dying.” Not so much in the material sense as in the sense of spiritual wellness. He was referring to the culture of callousness (szívtelenség) that is widespread among Hungarians.

Let me share a story that was widely reported in the media. It is hard to believe, but an old, sick man sat for four solid days on a bench on II. János Pál pápa tér surrounded by a swarm of wasps who were drawn to him by the sores on his legs. He was waiting there to die. No one paid the slightest attention to him, although a lot of passersby must have seen him. On that very square a few weeks earlier hundreds of asylum seekers had camped out, waiting for the trains to take them to Austria. The locals immediately reported them to the far-right Fidesz mayor of the district and demanded their removal. Yet a couple of weeks later no one cared one whit about that sick man. Their hatred of and callousness toward strangers seems to be stronger than their sense of solidarity, even with their own. Gusztáv Megyesi, the talented ÉS journalist, wrote a brilliant essay on this story in today’s Népszabadság.

Others express their amazement at the gullibility of the Hungarian people, which may well be linked to a school system that emphasizes rote learning instead of independent thinking. For a good five years Viktor Orbán’s foreign policy consisted of what he called the “Eastern Opening.” The West, he argued, was in decline but the illiberal states in the East are successful. Democracy is a cumbersome system of governance that doesn’t allow for a speedy reaction to a fast-changing world. But then comes the refugee crisis in which Orbán, knowing his people only too well, sees great opportunities to gain popular support, and he switches his line. The East is abandoned, and now all he talks about is defending European civilization from the East. Hungary, he now says, has been part of the West for 1,100 years. Earlier, he proudly announced that Hungarians are products of the East and that, in fact, he feels more at home in Kazakhstan than in Brussels. Yet an overwhelming number of Hungarians are ready to join him now in defense of the West just as they were willing to follow him to the East. The government’s manipulation machinery seems to work faultlessly because there is a large audience that all too easily succumbs to Viktor Orbán’s siren songs.

solidarity2

Orbán’s anti-immigration propaganda has only strengthened the lack of solidarity prevalent in Hungarian society. And solidarity is a significant component of what makes societies successful. Studies have shown that societies in which different social groups feel solidarity toward one another are more successful than those where such solidarity is either nonexistent or weak. But the Orbán government has effectively abandoned certain segments of society. For example, those who live in poverty. The government is interested only in people who are better off economically and has made it clear that with the low flat tax they will be even better off. As a Népszabadság journalist points out in an op/ed piece titled Keleti (Eastern), even Greece and Portugal have developed more robust social networks to look after society’s neediest than Hungary has. Viktor Orbán lacks empathy and thus solidarity with others. László Lengyel repeats the words of Viktor Orbán who in one of his speeches blamed Aljan Kurdi’s parents for the little boy’s death. It was irresponsible of his parents to start the journey at all. After all, he said, their lives were not in danger in Turkey. But if we applied that kind of thinking to other life situations, the end result would be a placid acceptance of the inevitable and the suppression of any desire for change. Wasn’t it irresponsible to fight against the Kádár regime in the 1980s? After all, the lives of those people were not in danger. Surely, there are times when one has to act even if his life is not in imminent danger. Every move entails unforeseen dangers, but without initiative life is empty.

Orbán created a country where no one wants to settle and many have already left or want to leave. It is a country where far too few people are interested in the world around them or seem to care that their freedom is being taken away from them bit by bit. When will they wake up, if at all?

Spread of indifference and hate in Hungary

The events of the last few days have been shocking reminders that something has gone very wrong in Hungary in the last few years. Hungarian society has been poisoned by monstrous ideas. And it seems that the more the present government feels threatened, the more vicious it becomes in the hope of appealing to the beast in all of us.

Sometime ago I read about a study of the Orbán government’s social policy which appeared in the prestigious Journal of European Social Policy. It was written by a member of ELTE’s Faculty of Social Studies, a faculty whose existence has been threatened by the latest “university reforms.” She maintained that the present Hungarian government has no coherent social policy. One finds elements of neo-liberalism, neo-conservatism, and etatism, all at the same time. She came to the conclusion that “the only aim of the government is the punishment of the poor.” What an indictment.

In a recent editorial in HVG, “Hate the weaker!,” the author recalls those instances when the Orbán government incited hatred against the homeless, the unemployed, and now the refugees. This government went so far as to change the constitution to legalize punishment of homeless people. The government pared back unemployment insurance benefits to only three months. Welfare payments have been cut to practically nothing, while public works programs are used to influence electoral outcomes. And now here are refugees arriving with only the clothes on their backs.

The government is inciting the population against foreigners in general even though in January 2014 only 1.4% of the population consisted of foreign nationals. Although the government talks about the huge numbers of applicants for refugee status, in 2014 only 360 political refugees received permission to stay in Hungary. These incitements are intended to divert attention from the incompetence (and worse) of the government, but their negative effect on the psyche of the population is immeasurable.

A lack of compassion is discernible among Fidesz politicians, even when working-class Hungarians are the victims. The other day a 21-year-old girl was murdered while working in one of the stores allowed to sell tobacco products. Her murderer, a young boy as it turned out, killed her for 22,000 ft. ($80.00). The interiors of these stores cannot be seen from the street. Their windows are covered; the doors are solid and cannot be left open. All that in the mistaken notion that young people, just by glancing at packs of cigarettes through the shop window, will take up smoking. As a result, the number of robberies at these stores has been far above the average. But at least until now no shopkeeper was killed. But here we have the first victim of this ludicrous new law. The owner of the store where the tragedy happened had enough. He decided that he is taking off the protective material from the shop windows of all his stores. He cares not whether it is against the law. He will not endanger the lives of his employees. One death was more than enough.

Will the government change the law which clearly serves no purpose and endangers lives? A reporter for Hír24 was all set this morning to ask the opinion of Fidesz politicians as they arrived in parliament. One after the other, starting with the prime minister, they went by without a word and without the slightest sign of sympathy for the victim. A few muttered that they had no time to say anything. Up to now over 200 comments have appeared commenting on this video, and practically all of them are highly critical of the whole Fidesz lot. One recurring accusation is that they were elected by the people and have an obligation to answer reporters’ questions. Another charge is that these Fidesz politicians refuse to answer because they haven’t yet received their orders from above. They simply don’t know what the “right answer” is. And finally, there are many who believe that Viktor Orbán and his minions are incapable of admitting that their decisions could be wrong. These people also predict that the law will not be changed.

How much does Fidesz’s anti-immigration policy stem from racist prejudices? The first reaction is that it has nothing to do with prejudice. Fidesz is not a racist party. Viktor Orbán is just using the anti-foreign card for political purposes. It is only Jobbik, the far-right neo-Nazi party, that owes its popularity to openly racist, anti-Roma and anti-Semitic ideology. But then what can we make of what happened today at a press conference given by László Pósán, a member of Fidesz since 1992 and a member of parliament from 1998?

Pósán is a historian who became an associate professor of history at the University of Debrecen after receiving his Ph.D. in 2000. He is a medievalist who specializes in the German principalities and has written a book on medieval Germany. This illustrious professor of history told journalists that to allow people of different cultural backgrounds to settle in Hungary would have very serious consequences. After all, what would parents think if their child, returning home from school, “was surrounded by six African blacks making threatening gestures?” Naturally, he fully supports Viktor Orbán’s ideas on immigration. If this isn’t racism, I don’t know what is.

For good measure he told a few horror stories about the Debrecen internment camp for political refugees. According to him, at one point there was a fight inside of the camp that was so serious that “600 policemen had to be called to the scene.” Well, being a historian myself, I  looked into the 2013 incident in the Debrecen camp. Apparently the camp was terribly overcrowded. Some of the inmates didn’t even have a bed to sleep on. They had to be satisfied with a mattress on the floor of the cafeteria. The fight broke out as a result of a football game between two different groups. As for the number of policeman, Index heard about 100-150, but they could not confirm the number. So much for Pósán’s 600 policemen.

The Debrecen refugee camp in June 2013

The Debrecen refugee camp in June 2013

On the other hand, while I was searching for details about the fight in the Debrecen camp, I found a 2009 article, also by Index, which perhaps tells us more about the real state of affairs than Pósán’s exaggerated story. It was about an Afghan refugee who jumped from a second-floor window, trying to commit suicide. He didn’t die but broke an arm and a leg and damaged his spine. He was to be sent back to Greece and, when the police arrived for him, he jumped. He was first caught in Greece, from where he escaped to Serbia. He was arrested in Serbia and spent 70 days in jail. It was at that point that he headed to Hungary, where he asked for refugee status. He was promised that after ten days he would be sent to Debrecen as a refugee waiting for approval or rejection of his case. Instead, on the thirteenth day after his arrival he was told that he would be sent back to Greece. Apparently, the treatment of refugees in Greece is much worse than in Hungary, and he certainly didn’t want to go back to Afghanistan where he feared for his life. He claimed that his father had already been murdered by the Taliban, and he was afraid that he would be next. His long journey from Afghanistan to Greece, Serbia, and Hungary indicates to me that he was most likely telling the truth. He was not a “megélhetési bevándorló” or, to use Miklós Haraszti’s English rendition, an “occupational immigrant.” A few hours after the suicide attempt 27 Afghan refugees began a hunger strike to protest against and try to escape the fate of deportation.