Tag Archives: Péter Németh

Botka’s formal introduction as MSZP’s candidate for Hungary’s new prime minister

Two days have gone by since László Botka, mayor of Szeged and MSZP’s candidate for the premiership, delivered a fifty-minute speech which has since received mixed reviews. The most quoted part of the speech was a frontal attack on Ferenc Gyurcsány as an impediment to electoral victory. Not even the socialists seem to be entirely happy with Botka’s attack, especially since Botka’s party is in the midst of negotiations with the other democratic opposition parties, including the largest among them, Gyurcsány’s Demokratikus Koalíció. After the speech Lajos Bokros, former minister of finance and chairman of Modern Magyarország Mozgalom Párt (MoMa), withdrew from the negotiation process while Párbeszéd accused Botka of lifting one of its signature programs, the introduction of a guaranteed basic income.

The speech, both in content and in delivery, began well enough, but after about ten minutes Botka lost some of his early eloquence. The speech deteriorated at times into a hurried laundry list.

In his editorial Péter Németh, editor-in-chief of Népszava, while noting that the speech could be considered an ideological shift for MSZP, said that most commentators paid little attention to the socialists’ turn leftward and concentrated only on the vicious assault against the former prime minister. After this speech, he said, MSZP must make clear what the party’s intentions are. Does Botka’s speech mean the discontinuation of the negotiations? Has MSZP opted to confront Fidesz alone in 2018? It’s time to decide. Index’s Szabolcs Dull shares Németh’s opinion that “we will most remember [Botka’s speech] as an event at which Botka publicly assailed Ferenc Gyurcsány.”

Since the transcript of the speech is available, I can quote some of the more controversial passages verbatim. The reader must keep in mind that László Botka has been an MSZP politician for 23 years. With the exception of the 1998-2002 period, he was a member of parliament between 1994 and 2010. He has been mayor of Szeged since 2002. Therefore, one must take with a grain of salt that Botka bears no responsibility whatsoever for “the missteps committed by the left-liberal governments, especially between 2002 and 2010.” And he continues: “Those who lied into the eyes of the electorate are liabilities for the left and they therefore should decamp…. In Hungary consolidation and peace will come only when the two most divisive politicians in the country, the beloved and/or hated icons, at last leave the sanctuary of politics.” Gyurcsány’s reaction to this assault was muted: “The voters will decide who has a place in the democratic public life of Hungary. I, as a voter, would give a place to Botka also. Moreover, I wish him much success.”

Watching the video taken at the event, I came to the conclusion that there was a divide when it came to Botka’s attack. There are those, like István Ujhelyi, MSZP member of the European Parliament, who believe that cooperation with the other parties will materialize despite Botka’s outburst. I saw István Hiller sitting rather stone faced without applauding. I assume those who are enthusiastic about Botka’s strong language think that the leadership of DK will tell their chairman to go and fly a kite and will merrily cooperate with MSZP and Botka. But “others are less optimistic as far as electoral cooperation is concerned.” They are seriously worried that this speech might end all negotiation between MSZP and DK, which may result in a devastating loss for the democratic parties on the left. Jobbik was not far off when the party claimed that “it became clear that László Botka, MSZP candidate for the premiership, and MSZP don’t want to defeat Prime Minister Viktor Orbán but Ferenc Gyurcsány, chairman of the Demokratikus Koalíció.” Botka bet everything on a single card. His hope seems to be that his strong speech will whip up such enthusiasm for the socialist party that it will be able to beat the forces of Fidesz and Jobbik singlehanded. Suddenly, the opinion polls will show an incredible shift in popularity for the party and, as a result, it will draw those one million undecided voters Botka referred to in his speech in addition to the loyal DK voters who will see the light and switch their votes to the revitalized socialist party.

Of course, anything is possible, perhaps even this scenario, but it is not very likely. Only a joint anti-Orbán force has any chance of removing the present government from power. Moreover, I have been convinced for some time that most commentators and politicians don’t study the polls that could give us direct or indirect clues about the political attitudes of the electorate carefully enough. For instance, the Závecz poll’s findings that about 75% of the electorate would not vote for a ticket that had Gyurcsány’s name on the list is misleading because it also includes millions of Fidesz and Jobbik voters who would not vote for a left-wing party or parties no matter what. The same is true of the undecided voters. When Závecz came out with its finding that for half of the undecided voters Gyurcsány’s presence would make a difference, the assumption was that all these people would vote for the left. But, of course, this is not the case. Therefore, this whole Závecz report, on which many people on the left rely, is totally useless as a guide for future action. I’m convinced that most people who want to get rid of Orbán don’t give a hoot whether Gyurcsány’s name is on the list or not–as long as it’s not at the top of the list.

The government press is naturally delighted. Magyar Idők’s headline reads: “László Botka: Gyurcsány is a burden on the left.” However, Tamás Lánczi, a a right-wing political scientist and the new editor-in-chief of Figyelő, gave a surprisingly objective assessment of the speech in an interview on Inforádió. In his opinion, the speech contained many significant elements, but Botka’s attacks shifted attention away from its essence. It might be the case that the candidate for the premiership has to show strength, but “we know from various surveys and research papers that the voters of MSZP and DK readily cross-vote. The voters of the two parties don’t look upon each other as enemies, and therefore there is the possibility of cooperation.”

I must say I have to agree with the young Lánczi. Where I disagree with him is in his description of Botka’s speech as populist. I’m afraid Lánczi doesn’t know the true meaning of the word. Let me quote Jan-Werner Müller, who just published the highly acclaimed book What is Populism? A few days ago an interview appeared with Müller in Bloomberg titled “Why Donald Trump Really Is a Populist.” Müller said: “Not everyone who criticizes elites is automatically a populist. Rather, populists always claim that they—and they alone—properly represent the people or what they frequently call ‘the real people’ or the ‘silent majority.’”

Botka gave a social democratic speech, which emphasized social justice within the framework of a capitalist economy. It’s too bad that most Hungarians have no idea what the speech was really about. It deserves considered debate. The Gyurcsány bashing doesn’t.

February 20, 2017

Népszava, the social democratic daily, is in socialist hands again

Among the many pieces of bad news both inside and outside of Hungary, I am happy to report a good piece of news. It looks as if Népszava, Hungary’s oldest continuously published newspaper, has been saved. The paper was struggling financially because it received practically no advertisement from either government or private sources. The Orbán government systematically punishes independent media outlets, and private companies heavily dependent on the government’s goodwill are afraid to appear as sponsors.

Népszava was originally the official paper of the Magyarországi Szociáldemokrata Párt (MSZDP). After the communist takeover in 1948, it was relegated to being the paper of the Hungarian trade unions. Since 2005 Népszava has described itself as a “social democratic daily.”

Next year Népszava will celebrate its 144th birthday, marking a long but often difficult life. Perhaps the most tragic event in its history was the murder of the paper’s editor-in-chief Béla Somogyi and his young assistant Béla Bacsó by officers of Miklós Horthy’s National Army in the fall of 1919. Between the two world wars the paper was often silenced because of its critical attitude toward the government. But there were also many triumphs. For example, when Endre Ady wrote a poem to the paper titled “Küldöm a frigy-ládát” (I am sending the Ark of the Covenant). Over the years Népszava had working relations with some of Hungary’s greatest writers and poets, like Endre Ady, Attila József, Gyula Juhász, and Mihály Babits. In 2003, when Népszava was 130 years old, Péter Németh, the current-editor-in-chief, put together a brief history of the paper which is available on the internet. It is hard to imagine Hungary without Népszava.

But let’s return to the recent woes of the paper. About four months ago we heard that Népszava had at last found a buyer. The story is complicated, as always seems to be the case with Hungarian business transactions. According to Magyar Nemzet, the publication rights of the paper were to be sold to Marquard Media International, a company headquartered in Switzerland. Marquard is already present in the Hungarian media market as the owner of Joy, Playboy, and Éva Magazin. Péter Németh, the editor-in-chief, was elated. “I know Jürg Marquard from my days at Magyar Hírlap,” Németh said, “and I find it inconceivable that he would purchase Népszava in order to shutter it,” referring, of course, to the demise of Népszabadság.

János Dési, the former deputy editor-in-chief of Népszava, wasn’t that optimistic. He remembered only too well that in the early 1990s Marquand managed to ruin the liberal Magyar Hírlap. According to Dési, for a few months after the purchase all was well, but then Marquard began pressuring the staff to move toward the right. Marquard didn’t seem to know anything about Hungarian politics because, during 1993 and early 1994, it was obvious that the right-of-center government would be very badly beaten at the forthcoming election. Yet Marquard insisted and fired Péter Németh, who was then the editor-in-chief of Magyar Hírlap. Soon after that Marquand sold Magyar Hírlap to János Fenyő, who, according to Dési, was the only good and caring owner of the paper until his murder by an unknown assailant in 1998.

Soon enough the story of the sale changed. It wasn’t Marquard Media that was buying Népszava but XXI Century Invest AG with headquarters in Liechtenstein. In the background, however, one could still find Jürg Marquard who, as it turned out, was one of the owners of the Liechtenstein company. XXI Century was buying not only Népszava but also Vasárnapi Hírek and Szabad Föld, a weekly that is still very popular among farmers. In the eighties it had at least half a million subscribers and, to my astonishment, its paid readership today is close to 130,000. It may reach as many as 400,000 people. Currently, all three papers are owned by Geomedia Kiadói Zrt.

Months went by. With the exception of the brief news item about the purchase by XXI Century nothing more was heard about the deal until today, when a statement appeared on Vasárnapi Hírek’s website. It announced that “in order to preserve the spirit of the remaining independent newspapers” the earlier contract with XXI Century Invest had been broken due to non-payment. Instead, the three papers were sold to Horizont Handels und Industrie AG with headquarters in Vienna. Horizont is owned by László Puch and Dénes Simon.

Puch’s name is well known because of the important positions he held in MSZP ever since 1992. He was the party’s strongman in Baranya County, he was a member of parliament between 1994 and 2014, and he became notorious as the treasurer of MSZP. Since political parties are inadequately funded in Hungary, a lot of most likely illegal funds flow into party coffers. In MSZP these funds were handled by Puch. About Dénes Simon I know only that he is a businessman who earlier worked as a “political expert” for MSZP. He is a very good friend and close business partner of Puch.

According to Antónia Rádai of Átlátszó, Geomedia discovered that XXI Century Invest’s lawyer is also the lawyer of András Tombor, who “lent” the money to Árpád Habony to start his Modern Media Group, which publishes 888.hu and Riposzt. That discovery must have frightened the few socialists with money. They decided to rescue the three publications, which as a package might actually be profitable because of Szabad Föld. Puch announced that the supervision of the company will remain in the hands of the current management of Geomedia. Otherwise, he is hoping that Népszava, by now the only left-wing daily in Hungary, will be able to expand its staff in the future, giving job opportunities to some of those unemployed journalists from the defunct Népszabadság.

This must be a nice Christmas present for the staffs of Népszava and Vasárnapi Hírek. Let’s hope that Népszava’s troubles are over for a while. At least one doesn’t have to worry about some Orbán stróman buying the paper for the sole purpose of destroying it.

December 20, 2016