Tag Archives: Tamás Portik

Back in business: the Orbán government is after its opponents

After the summer doldrums Hungarian politics is back in attack mode. In the last couple of days we witnessed two highly disturbing events. The first was the frisking of Ákos Hadházy, LMP’s new co-chairman and a member of parliament, by watchful policemen in Viktor Orbán’s private domain of Felcsút. The second was the crude, but potentially damaging, attempt by people most likely close to government circles to discredit Péter Juhász, co-chair of Együtt (Together), who is one of the most effective political activists in the anti-Fidesz camp.

Frisking in Felcsút

Felcsút is under the watchful eyes of the Hungarian police day and night. They make sure that no stranger loiters anywhere near Viktor Orbán’s precious football stadium. Especially suspect are people who are critical of the regime. As are camera crews. In the past, the police would retreat if confronted (I assume quite forcefully) with the argument that they have no right to interfere because the area is public property. At least this was the case about a year ago when Ferenc Gyurcsány managed to film a ten-minute video on life in Felcsút.

Ákos Hadházy was not so lucky when he appeared in Felcsút in the company of the TV crew of the German RTL2. They wanted to take some pictures of the stadium and the infamous choo-choo train which keeps going back and forth on its 5 km track, usually totally empty. They were stopped and, most likely illegally, frisked, and their car was also thoroughly searched. Apparently, a “helpful” neighbor of Viktor Orbán, who has a weekend house in Felcsút, called the police on them, claiming that they wanted to enter Orbán’s house, which was obviously a lie.

Hadházy on his Facebook page described what happened. “I was just smiling, but the Germans were downright shocked.” After their thorough search Hadházy was informed that the reason for this highly unusual procedure is that the country is under a state of “increased preparedness” (fokozott készültség). A brief video taken on Hadházy’s phone can be seen on YouTube.

When Index inquired about this claim from ORFK (Országos Rendőrfőkapitányság), they were told that the police chief of the country had ordered “increased control” (fokozott ellenőrzés) for the whole country between July 1 and September 30, 2016, which allows policemen to stop anyone or any vehicle and do a thorough search. The police didn’t explain the reason for introducing such a measure between these particular dates. I suspect that this incident has nothing whatsoever to do with the “increased control” measures but rather is part and parcel of the harassment of anyone who tries to call attention to the corruption of Viktor Orbán and his family, especially in and around Felcsút.

hadhazy

Today Orbán was accosted by journalists on his way to the yearly Fidesz picnic in Kötcse and asked about the incident. Orbán said that the police “must have had their reasons.” There are rules and regulations that everyone must obey. János Halász, the Fidesz spokesman, went further. He doubted Hadházy’s veracity because “in the past he has come up with so much nonsense that we are handling this case cautiously.” The “nonsense” Halász referred to is Hadházy’s heroic effort to uncover corruption cases related to EU subsidies.

Fidesz media comes to the rescue of Antal Rogán

This is not a pretty story either. Tamás Portik, who is currently serving a fifteen-year sentence for murder and other criminal activities, testified against Antal Rogán in the case Rogán bought against Péter Juhász, co-chair of Együtt. Juhász called him a criminal  and said that, as mayor, he had embezzled a great deal of money through his sales of property in the ritzy District V of downtown Pest. Portik claimed that at one point he was asked to deliver 10 million forints worth of euros from one of Rogán’s “customers” to the mayor. I covered the story in great detail back in June. Since then the Hungarian prosecutor’s office has declined to investigate the authenticity of Portik’s testimony. But, for one reason or another, Rogán and the people around him still don’t feel safe and so decided to go after Juhász.

On September 7 Pesti Srácok, a far-right Fidesz and government supported internet site, came out with a story that Portik’s girlfriend, Erika A. E., “handles his money” in Hungary, some of which is used to support an unnamed but well-known opposition politician. The claim is that some of Portik’s money, about €22-23 million of which is in Switzerland, is managed by his 20-year-old son. It is used to finance opposition parties.

According to Pesti Srácok, Portik’s money is funneled through a “foundation,” which recently received 80 million forints for the support of the politician. The person Pesti Srácok was obviously referring to, even if not by name, is Péter Juhász, who a few months ago asked the public for financial help because on his meager salary as district council member he cannot provide for his family of four.

Once the Pesti Srácok story was out, revelation followed revelation in the right-wing media. Válasz, another Fidesz mouthpiece, revealed that Juhász was the politician in question. A few hours later Attila Menyhárt, a former cellmate of Portik, showed up at Andy Vajna’s by now notorious TV2 studio. He recalled that Portik had proudly told him that he is able to influence politics even from inside his cell. He said that Péter Juhász was “Portik’s man, and that means a lot. He is the one who tells Juhász what to say, what to do, and what kinds of statements to make in public. Portik considers Juhász his puppet.” Portik would like to see the current government overthrown, which he believes will result in his freedom.

Naturally, Fidesz decided to pursue this juicy story. Moreover, as if the story weren’t damning enough on its face, it kept getting embellished. By the time it got to István Hollik, a member of the KDNP parliamentary delegation who was assigned to the case, the claim was that Juhász had admitted that he had accepted money from Portik.

How did this story gain traction? According to Juhász, Erika A. E., whom he didn’t know at that point, phoned him and offered him a picture on which Portik and Rogán can be seen together at some kind of gala gathering. The picture was evidence that the two men knew each other, or at least had met. When Erika delivered the photo, she asked whether Juhász would be good enough to collect some articles about the Rogán-Juhász trial for her from the internet because she is not too familiar with the ins and outs of the internet. She would like to give them to Portik, whom she visits frequently. Juhász obliged, collected the material, and was seen giving an envelope to Erika.

Juhász’s friendly gesture was a potentially costly mistake. We can expect a lengthy, ugly case that will track down the financial sources of the “foundation” and try to uncover the contents of the envelope. Rogán and his friends might have gotten hold of a story, however flimsy, that will ruin Juhász’s reputation.

September 10, 2016

Fidesz and the criminal underworld

Yesterday we learned from Medián’s fascinating poll on corruption that a fair number of Hungarians think of their government as a criminal organization and the country they live in as a mafia state. They are not imagining things. Not only is the Orbán government corrupt. We also have convincing evidence that certain members of Fidesz and the government had dealings with figures in the criminal underworld.

Earlier I wrote about Antal Rogán, who during his tenure as mayor of District V of Budapest may have engaged in an illegal transaction with Tamás Portik, a convicted murderer. Rogán’s name also cropped up in connection with the investigation of László Vizoviczki, another shady character who might be responsible for several deaths from drug overdoses at his nightclubs.

That Rogán had dealings with Vizoviczki is not surprising. After all, Vizoviczki owned or rented several nightclubs in District V. Rogán most likely also knew Portik since Portik’s wife/girlfriend had financial dealings with the District through the purchase of a piece of real estate.

But evidence has surfaced indicating that Antal Rogán was not the only Fidesz politician with ties to the Budapest underworld. In a letter written to the prosecutor’s office in April of 2013, in which he outlined a possible plea agreement, Vizoviczki indicated that he had extensive dealings with other important Fidesz politicians.

Vizoviczki’s implicit threat–make a deal or I’ll spill the beans–was not idle. Jobbik’s N1TV, a well-informed internet site which earlier discovered Vizoviczki’s letter to the prosecutors, yesterday made another discovery. According to the story, on February 12, 2013, the police searched Vizoviczki’s four-story mansion in Buda. Among the items found was a 10-page letter addressed to “Gábor.” Gábor turned out to be Gábor Kubatov, currently one of the three deputy chairmen of Fidesz. In it, Vizoviczki asked Kubatov to use his good offices with the prosecutors and the police to get him released from jail and placed under house arrest for the duration of his trial. As Vizoviczki reminded Kubatov, he deserves assistance in exchange “for his support in the campaign (Reform Plan).” The content of this letter is known only from the very short description written by the policeman who took an inventory of the confiscated items because the prosecutors found the letter so insignificant that they didn’t include it in the material that was sent over to the court. On May 30, 2013, Vizoviczki was released from jail.

On the basis of this very brief summary of the letter I think it’s fair to assume that Vizoviczki was a generous supporter of the Fidesz campaign in 2010, which may be one reason that his case, which is still dragging on, hasn’t been vigorously investigated. Neither the police nor the prosecution seems to be eager to go after Vizoviczki. The police are most likely trying to bury the case because high-ranking police officers were allegedly in his pay. And, as we now suspect on the basis of Vizoviczki’s letter to Kubatov, Fidesz is probably also beholden to him.

The emergence of this short summary of the letter must have come as a shock to Kubatov because in the last 24 hours he hasn’t been able to come up with a coherent story about the background of the letter. His answer at a press conference yesterday about his acquaintance with Vizoviczki was fairly light-hearted. “Of course, I know him. I’m a politician and it is my business to meet people,” he answered to a question from Index’s journalist. A few hours later he realized that his flippant answer might not have been appropriate. In the second iteration, he tried to minimize his contacts with Vizoviczki. Kubatov claimed to the pro-government Magyar Idők that they had met only twice, once at the 110th anniversary of the kindergarten they both attended and once when Vizoviczki approached him about his plans to invest in sports, specifically in Fradi, Kubatov’s football club. Kubatov was not interested. Otherwise, according to Kubatov, on that occasion they talked about the terrible tragedy at the West-Balkan disco where several people died because of overcrowding and the subsequent stampede. Kubatov and Vizoviczki discussed safety measures that should be introduced in discos to prevent such tragedies in the future.

How well did these two men know each other? I suspect much better than Kubatov now lets on. On the photograph taken at the anniversary celebration of their kindergarten in April 2012 the two men are sitting next to one another. Admittedly, this doesn’t prove anything since the crowd seems to have divided itself largely along gender lines and more women than men attended the gathering. So even if they were perfect strangers they may well have ended up sitting beside one another. But my hunch is that they were no strangers.

kubatov-Viz

The whole story is suspicious, starting with the fact that the prosecutors didn’t include Vizoviczki’s letter to Kubatov in the material they passed on to the court. This cannot be a coincidence, especially in view of the close relationship between the prosecutor’s office and Fidesz. The prosecutors, realizing the damaging material in that letter, hoped that the document would never surface, as indeed it still hasn’t.

In any case, I’m not the only person who finds the prosecutors’ handling of this important letter more than strange. Today MSZP called on Péter Polt to explain why the prosecutor’s office ignored the letter written by Vizoviczki to Kubatov. It’s easy to predict what the answer will be. The same as when the prosecutors were supposed to investigate Tamás Portik’s testimony about the bribe he allegedly handed to Antal Rogán. The prosecutors announced a couple of days ago that they see no reason to investigate Portik’s allegation. Charges were dropped.

July 29, 2016

Antal Rogán’s legal troubles: two organized crime bosses know a lot about him

The last time I wrote about Antal Rogán’s possible link to members of organized crime was a month ago, after Tamás Portik’s devastating testimony in a civil suit Rogán initiated against Péter Juhász. Here is the background.

Antal Rogán, the number three man in the Orbán government, was mayor of Budapest’s District V between 2006 and 2014. In fact, Rogán has spent his whole life as a modestly paid politician. Yet, especially in the last decade or so, he became a rich man. Péter Juhász, a former human rights activist and now one of the leaders of Együtt as well as a council member of District V, has made it his goal to uncover suspicious sales of municipal property. Juhász unearthed several cases where real estate was sold way below market price. One such piece of real estate went to the common-law wife/girlfriend of Tamás Portik, a convicted murderer and a member of the Budapest criminal underworld. Juhász, in one of his public appearances, called Rogán a criminal. Rogán decided to sue, which may have been a huge mistake on his part.

Juhász’s lawyer argued that Tamás Portik, who during his trial testified that he knew Rogán and that Rogán was lying when he claimed otherwise, should be called to testify in connection with real estate deals he knew about. The defense was especially interested in the sale of a very expensive apartment to Árpád Habony’s mother-in-law, in which Portik acted as a go-between. He was the one who allegedly delivered 10 million forints worth of euros to Rogán as a bribe in connection with the sale. Independent media outlets found the details of the encounter as described by Portik to be realistic, and the consensus was that Rogán is most likely guilty as charged.

But that was not the end of Rogán’s troubles. He is now being tied to László Vizoviczki, who comes from the shadowy world of Budapest night life and who has been under investigation ever since 2012. Over the years Vizoviczki built a restaurant/night club empire consisting of more than 40 business ventures in different parts of the city, most of them in Districts III and V. The word on the street was that without the okay of Vizoviczki no night club could open in Budapest, especially if it was located near one of his own. He achieved such dominance with the active cooperation of crooked cops and crooked politicians.

Although there was an investigation into the links between Vizoviczki and high-ranking policemen, not one of the 61 policemen initially charged in the District V station has to worry. The Chief Prosecutor’s Office closed the case in May 2015.

Despite the closed case, it seems that Vizoviczki spent millions, if not hundreds of millions, of forints for police protection. This usually involved harassing his competitors and making sure that no trouble ever came to his own business ventures. Some of the high-ranking policemen were also the source of inside information that helped Vizoviczki in his dirty dealings. An excellent, detailed summary of Vizoviczki’s rise to power and his connection to the police appears in the first installment of a Vizoviczki portrait by an investigative journalist of 444.hu.

vizoviczki

Vizoviczki also had extensive dealings with the local politicians who were instrumental in granting or denying business permits. By 2012, when Vizoviczki’s arrest was imminent and the investigators of the National Defense Service were already on his case, a conversation took place between Vizoviczki’s chief of security and a certain József T., who oversaw the District V business ventures of the crime boss. József T. reported that the district notary, a kind of city manager in the Hungarian system, had given a permit to somebody who, in the Vizoviczki man’s opinion, shouldn’t have received one. The security man says in that telephone conversation that if the city manager gave out such a permit it was “without the knowledge of Mr. Rogán” and, if that is the case, “they went against Mr. Rogán’s wishes” (az ő számításait keresztbe húzták). Although it is pretty certain that over the years the city manager received millions from Vizoviczki, after a lengthy investigation he was acquitted. The tapes were illegally obtained and hence couldn’t be used against him.

But Rogán and his city manager might not be off the hook yet. A few days ago an internet television station associated with Jobbik, N1TV, released a lengthy interview with one of the accused in the Vizoviczki trial, a female employee. She said that the terrace permits cost the businessman 4 million forints at the beginning of every season. She added that Rogán insisted on a personal meeting with Vizoviczki and that, if he was too busy to meet the mayor, the terrace openings had to be postponed. The interview can be seen on the station’s website.

That’s not all. Yesterday N1TV published a 19-page letter written by Vizoviczki, who was already in jail, in which he outlined a possible plea agreement between himself and the prosecution. The deal would be that he would say nothing about Fidesz politicians but would tell everything he knows about the socialists. He made it clear that he has plenty of information on Fidesz and indicated that if the prosecution refuses to oblige, he will not hesitate to talk about their politicians’ affairs. He very much hoped that he wouldn’t be forced to take such steps because his sympathies lie with the present government. The offer apparently involved “a member of parliament-mayor” who, we must assume, was an MSZP politician. He claimed that he has information on criminal activities of this person and his deputy that would rival the sensation caused by Ferenc Gyurcsány’s speech at Balatonőszöd about his lies of the past.

Admittedly, three years have gone by since this letter was written, but on July 6 Pesti Srácok, a Fidesz-sponsored internet news site, reported that Vizoviczki will apparently be released on a 250 million forint bail. Release on bail is relatively rare in Hungary, and therefore the news caused quite a stir. Given Vizoviczki’s extensive business dealings in District V, attention immediately centered on the possible connection between the unexpected release of Vizoviczki and Tamás Portik’s testimony against Rogán at the civil suit Rogán launched against Péter Juhász. The connection between the two events is made stronger by Vizoviczki’s sudden announcement a few days after he received the good news of his release that he has never met Rogán in his life. It looks as if the prosecutors rushed to help Antal Rogán who, it seems, is truly worried about his political future.

July 16, 2016

Antal Rogán’s decision to sue might have backfired

In April of 2015 Antal Rogán, today one of the most important members of the Orbán government, sued Péter Juhász of Együtt because Juhász had called him a criminal in connection with his real estate dealings while he was mayor of District V in Budapest. District V constitutes the heart of Budapest, where perhaps the most valuable pieces of real estate can be found. The opportunities for corruption in city halls are numerous, especially when a great number of buildings are still owned by the municipality. That was the case in District V. Over Rogán’s eight years in office, 800 units–apartments as well as storefronts–were sold to private individuals.

According to a city ordinance, the tenant of a property owned by the municipality has the right to purchase the rented property at a reduced price if the city decides to sell. Rogán and his fellow city politicians apparently devised a scheme to jack up the rents so high that the tenants, who had the right of first refusal, were forced to leave the premises for financial reasons. Then came a “friend” who rented the place for a couple of months, after which he could buy the property at a 30% discount to the market value. Often Rogán allowed further illegal cuts in the purchase price, with some individuals acquiring valuable pieces of property at half price. A few months later the new owner sold the property for twice his purchase price. The assumption is that all these “good offices” on the part of the mayor and other district officials cost money, which went straight into the pockets of the facilitators, including Rogán himself, whose visible enrichment has been the talk of the country for a number of years.

One case especially aroused interest because it involved a well-known criminal, Tamás Portik, who is currently serving a 15-year sentence for his role in instigating several murders. In 2014 it came to light that Portik’s common-law-wife or girlfriend, Marianne Pápa, who also happened to be the aunt-by-marriage of Árpád Habony, the mysterious advisor of Viktor Orbán, with the help of Portik managed to get a 212 m² storefront for 52 million forints, which they subsequently sold for 102 million, its fair market value. It was at this point that Juhász, who was by then a member of the city council of District V and therefore had access to the relevant documents, called Rogán a criminal who received kickbacks from well-known underworld characters.

A month after Juhász’s accusation, in January 2015, Rogán sued Juhász for 1 million forints by way of compensation and demanded a statement from him admitting that he had “falsely stated that during the mayoralty of Antal Rogán the municipality had any business dealings with Tamás Portik or with any person or company connected with him.” The court case got underway on April 16, but Antal Rogán didn’t show. I should add that by that time Juhász had filed several complaints in connection with the real estate deals and an investigation was underway. Juhász’s lawyer asked the judge to summon Portik to give evidence because Portik, on several occasions during his own trial, had testified that he knew Rogán and that Rogán was lying when he claimed otherwise. Not surprisingly, Rogán’s lawyer objected, but to no avail. The judge decided to call Portik to testify.

The court appearance was scheduled for yesterday, June 17. Rogán and his lawyer were not happy. They wanted to disqualify the judge because “the case is dragging on too long.” Moreover, Rogán expressed his dissatisfaction that the judge had set the date of the next court appearance without consulting him first and that, as a result, he cannot face his accuser. Once it became known that Rogán was refusing to appear in court, now for the second time, the opposition media indicated that Rogán for one reason or another doesn’t want to face Portik. As it turned out, he had every reason to avoid him. Even the restrained and cautious Népszabadság wrote in an editorial that Portik’s description of his relationship with Rogán was realistic. Yes, we can doubt the veracity of Portik, but can we believe Rogán? What about Rogán’s inexplicable enrichment? Portik’s testimony was devastating, the paper claimed.

The rules and regulations concerning the testimony of a witness are roughly the same as in the United States. If a witness is later found to have lied under oath, he can be charged with the crime of perjury. Therefore, Juhász argues, Portik’s testimony should be taken seriously.

From the testimony it became clear that Portik was well acquainted with the way Rogán’s scheme worked. He was familiar with the property Árpád Habony’s aunt acquired, and he said he was involved in the transaction as a kind of go-between. Allegedly, Rogán urgently needed 10 million forints, and because both “Árpi and Marianne” understood that Portik knew Rogán, they asked him to deliver the amount in euros. Portik described the exact location of the Fidesz office where he handed the money to Rogán. Apparently, Rogán later complained that the money he received wasn’t quite enough, at which point “Marianne remarked that, as it is, Tóni is far too expensive.” That apparently wasn’t the only encounter between Rogán and Portik. They were both guests of honor at the opening of Nobu, Andy Vajna’s restaurant in the Kempinsky Hotel in Budapest.

Péter Juhász with his lawyer and Portik in the courtroom

Péter Juhász with his lawyer and Portik in the courtroom

Rogán’s lawyer was in trouble, and his only strategy was to rely on a 2008 conversation between Sándor Laborc, head of the National Security Office, and Portik. Portik had approached him to complain about right-wing elements in the police force who were badgering him to hand over incriminating information about leading members of MSZP. Portik at this point was very worried about a Fidesz win in the 2010 election and therefore offered to find dirt on men in the service of Fidesz, stressing during the conversation his allegiance to MSZP. Rogán’s lawyer kept returning to this conversation, trying to prove that Portik’s story had to be sheer fabrication because, given his strong commitment to the left, he couldn’t have had highly-placed Fidesz friends. A feeble argument.

The government mouthpiece Magyar Idők was also in trouble when it came to discrediting Portik’s testimony. It claimed that Portik didn’t remember the details of his meeting with Rogán, which was simply not true. The paper also maintained that Portik contradicted himself because he testified that he had never given any money to a Fidesz politician when, in fact, he had. But was that a contradiction? Of course not. Surely, there is a difference between giving your own money to a person and delivering somebody else’s money.

888.hu invoked the specter of communism. Portik, an ordinary criminal, is for them “one of the last undercover agents” of the Kádár regime, who has been engaged in dirty political work against Fidesz ever since 1990. Liberal journalists hate the leading Fidesz politicians so much that they are ready to use a feared criminal to discredit the government.

On the other hand, Magyar Nemzet, nowadays a conservative opposition paper, took Portik’s testimony seriously. “If one tenth of what we have heard from Portik is true, Rogán must go,” László Szemán wrote in an editorial. As the title of the piece indicates, Orbán has no choice. He must let him go. The dominoes are falling.

June 18, 2016

A new political bomb: Did the Gyurcsány government spy on Fidesz politicians?

I’m in a real quandary.  Someone complained that I didn’t mention the very successful Walk for Life on Sunday while somebody else suggested that I should say something about the case of Miklós Hagyó, former deputy mayor of Budapest who went all the way to the European Court of Justice about what he considered to be his illegal detention for nine months without being charged.

But in addition to these two topics there are others that should have been talked about. For example, the anti-Semitic Patriotic Bikers whose ride across Budapest took place even though they had been forbidden to do so by the police at the instruction of Viktor Orbán. Or, that an amendment to the law was passed that forbids the use of symbols associated with right or left dictatorships. And there are the latest Eurostat figures that show that Hungary’s deficit is lower than anyone expected. It is 1.9%!

However important and interesting these topics are, I think I ought to write about the so-called Portik-Laborc affair although I’m somewhat handicapped here because I didn’t follow the police investigation of the case of Tamás Portik, a well-known figure in the Budapest underworld. However, I knew that something was afoot in government circles to connect György Szilvásy, former minister without portfolio in charge of national security in the Gyurcsány government, and Sándor Laborc, head of the National Security Office, to Tamás Portik. It was more than a year ago that stories began to float about these two government officials having questionable dealings with a known criminal. I wrote about the story at the time in a post entitled “Another ‘surveillance’ case is being hatched by Fidesz.” It took more than a year, but now the bomb has been dropped.

Magyar Nemzet, which by now can safely be called the official paper of the Orbán government, managed to get hold of an edited transcript of a tape recording of two meetings between Laborc and Portik. According to the article that appeared in yesterday’s edition of the paper, Tamás Portik in 2008 was so terribly concerned about Fidesz winning  the election in 2010 that he offered information on Fidesz politicians designed to help MSZP ruin Viktor Orbán’s party. According to Magyar Nemzet,  Portik was allegedly worried that a future Fidesz government would pursue some of his earlier crimes. The article claims that the transcript in the paper’s possession clearly proves that there was “an intimate connection between the Gyurcsány government and the underworld.”  A rather sweeping statement.

Today Magyar Nemzet published excerpts from the two meetings between Portik and Laborc. I should mention here that Szilvásy was told back in 2008 by a third person that Portik would like to get in touch with someone from the National Security Office because he had information about people who might be cause for concern. Szilvásy in turn got in touch with Laborc who pursued the lead. The excerpts Magyar Nemzet decided to publish are hard to follow. Most likely this was the paper’s intent. One doesn’t always know what the subject of the conversations between the two men really is. According to one reading of the text, Portik is offering dirt on certain Fidesz politicians that Laborc gratefully accepts; others view the conversation as an attempt on Laborc’s part to find out about the reliability of the informer.

www.theblaze.com

www.theblaze.com

Since then the text of the excerpts from the transcript has become available. This gives a somewhat clearer picture of what transpired at these two meetings between Laborc and Portik during the summer of 2008. The conversation begins with a discussion of the right-wing influence in the police force which “XXX directs.” Portik claims that the police are badgering him to give them incriminating information about leading member of MSZP. But at the same time he tells Laborc that he delivered cash to MSZP politicians, which might be true but might be merely a stratagem to establish his credibility. Let’s not forget that he is a criminal.

By the second conversation it looks as if cooperation between Portik and Laborc had been sealed. “It’s good that we found each other. Something serious may come of this,” says Laborc. This is followed up by an outline of the points of cooperation. “What interests us most is which politicians, judges, and prosecutors are under whose influence.” And, adds Portik, “perhaps the police.” Laborc agrees. On the surface this sounds fine. Laborc wants to find out about corruption and political influence in government offices. But when in the next sentence there is talk about catching people in a brothel it doesn’t sound so innocent. Laborc here gives the impression that he is trying to find dirt on men in the service of Fidesz.

Eventually Laborc even gave Portik his own secure cell phone number. Portik seemed to be very eager to cooperate because he was certain that he would end up in jail in case Fidesz wins the next election. Laborc interrupted him, saying that it is possible that “they will take me as well.” I assume he was thinking of the UD Zrt. case in which he ordered the monitoring of telephone conversations that included calls between Fidesz politicians and the men running UD Zrt. that was spying on the National Security Office’s activities. He was not far off in his prediction.

All in all, it looks pretty bad. The MSZP leadership seems to be split on the issue. According to Attila Mesterházy, “both the style and the content of the conversations are unacceptable.” On the other hand, Zsolt Molnár, MSZP chairman of the parliamentary committee on national security, who seems to have more information on the case because of his position, claims that Laborc’s conversation with Portik contains nothing that could be considered illegal. He was just doing his job.

Szilvásy pointed out in an interview on Klubrádió that the transcript about whose authenticity we know nothing is being used for political purposes. After all, said Szilvásy, if Laborc considered his conduct illegal he wouldn’t have ordered the conversations to be taped and transcribed. Laborc’s lawyer seems to know that the transcriptions are edited. The transcript of the first conversation, which lasted an hour and a half, took up 41 pages while only 24 pages of the second one, which was two and a half hours long, were published. On his client’s behalf he will demand to see the complete transcript. DK considers the released text “a complete jumble-mumble without names.” I tend to agree. Without the complete text we don’t really know what happened.

The Párbeszéd Magyarországért (PM) and LMP both demand setting up a parliamentary committee to investigate the case, but apparently Fidesz is not too eager to oblige. Only they know why.